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Politics • Spirituality/Belief • Writing
The Many Faces of Marxism
October 04, 2022
Guest contributors: ConceptualJames
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There’s a great and frustrating irony about Marxism. On the one hand, it is extremely simple—almost cartoonishly so. On the other hand, millions of pages of extremely complicated writing exist trying to make it true. Simplifying Marxism, then, is no simple task. Truly, being one of the most influential pseudo-intellectual religious currents of the last century and a half, a great deal could be said about Marxism in an attempt to simplify it to its basic essence. Most people go about this incorrectly by assuming Marxism is a complicated economic and social theory of political economy.

Marx certainly wrote quite a lot in that direction, but something that can be said for certain is that the basic essence of his work is not an economic or even a social theory. In fact, it’s not a theory at all. Instead, it’s something much deeper that uses economic and/or social theories as the relevant moving parts. That’s its own complicated story, and one for another time. To keep the matter relatively simple, however, let’s start by saying that what constitutes the belief system identified with Marxism is, essentially, a theory of man and a theory of the world.

For Marx, these theories are not actually separate. As he wrote in his 1844 Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, “man is no abstract being squatting outside the world. Man is the world of man—state, society.” That is, what makes man human is that he is the product of the world that he, himself, creates. Marxism is a circular theory of Man’s self-creation. The theory of the world at the center of the Marxist belief system is therefore wholly dependent upon the ontological and teleological theory of Man that is also at the center of Marxist faith.

Nevertheless, these can be teased apart and at great generality, and the result is a clarified understanding of Marxism that makes a tremendous amount of sense out of the myriad “bizarre” features of today’s world. These include Critical Race Theory, Queer and/or Gender Theory, and all the other Theories of Identity Marxism and also what’s happened to our educational systems and even political currents presently flowing at the supranational level.

Marx’s Theory of Man and the World

The world of man—state, society—as Marx had it is the social structure that he creates for himself and that he, indeed, imprisons himself within. Man creates society and embodies that creation in the State, and the society, shaped by the State, in turn creates Man. Marx called the creation of society “praxis” and the creation of Man by society “the inversion of praxis.” Praxis is theory-informed activism, so activism or “the work” done in light of Marxist Theory. It is the transforming activity done by Man on the world of man. The inversion of praxis is social conditioning. The society that Man has created for himself socially conditions him almost completely deterministically. Man is limited and thus psychically incarcerated by the limitations of his social conditioning through the inversion of praxis.

Power in the world of man is not equal, however, thus neither is the capacity to create society and through it to create Man. There is a division of labor, which, like the Fall in Genesis, has estranged Man from other men and, in fact, from himself. As he wrote in the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, Communism is the answer to Man’s estrangement from himself, and thus man’s estrangement from man:

Communism as the positive transcendence of private property as human self-estrangement, and therefore as the real appropriation of the human essence by and for man; communism therefore as the complete return of man to himself as a social (i.e., human) being—a return accomplished consciously and embracing the entire wealth of previous development. This communism, as fully developed naturalism, equals humanism, and as fully developed humanism equals naturalism; it is the genuine resolution of the conflict between man and nature and between man and man—the true resolution of the strife between existence and essence, between objectification and self-confirmation, between freedom and necessity, between the individual and the species. Communism is the riddle of history solved, and it knows itself to be this solution. (pp. 96–97)

Because Man is estranged from himself and from others by the existence of private property, power is unequal. He is forced to live in an alienated state in an alien world in which the power dynamics that maintain private property prevent him not only from his birthright (in the Garden, where no one works) but also from knowing himself as a perfectly social being, which is as someone entitled to be there, in Eden, on his own terms. Thus, strange as it sounds, by maintaining his belief in private property, Man condemns himself to toil and death so that the Original Sin of owning things as individuals can be maintained.

These power relations flow from property, however, because ownership confers power. The owners are the ones who set the terms of society, and thus they set the terms to justify the injustices that make their lives possible. They, through ownership, stratify society and place themselves in the position of exploiting all but themselves while excusing themselves from any recognition that they engage in wholesale dehumanization for their own benefit. In this regard, property owners declare themselves the demiurgic creators of a corrupt and evil society. They do this by writing a religious mythology justifying their own privilege, what Marx called “ideology.” At the bottom of ideology is the belief in property ownership itself, by which the demonic forces of privilege fool people into believing the division of society—of man from man and thus (Social) Man from himself—is fair, just, and even natural.

Society, then, which conditions man through the inversion of praxis, is stratified. It’s separated into a class of people with access to that special form of property and those who are excluded from it but forced in some way to maintain it—to the sole benefit of the people who have access to it. The property holders grant themselves access to property effectively by fiat. They then write their ideology to rationalize this hierarchy of society and their position within it as natural and just, and people on both sides of the line of stratification are induced to accept it as “just the way it is.” Where religion is the opiate of the people, wrote Marx, ideology is the medical theory that prescribes it.

Society, as the world of Man, then, is ordered in an illegitimate hierarchy by people who had not right to claim status over others in the first place, according to Marx. Certain people, having laid privatizing claim to a special form of property that advantages them, have structured society so that their privilege and the exploitation that enable it are accepted. They get to write history, and they write it so that their divisive sin is rationalized and they’ll continue to be the winners. Society is stratified into those privileged by access to the special form of property and those who are oppressed by exclusion from it so that Man forgets who he truly is, creator and product of a social system called society and thus a perfectly social being. In one of his great rejections of God and, both presumably and ironically, his parents, Marx wrote,

A being only considers himself independent when he stands on his own feet; and he only stands on his own feet when he owes his existence to himself. A man who lives by the grace of another regards himself as a dependent being. But I live completely by the grace of another if I owe him not only the maintenance of my life, but if he has, moreover, created my life—if he is the source of my life. When it is not of my own creation, my life has necessarily a source of this kind outside of it. The Creation is therefore an idea very difficult to dislodge from popular consciousness. The fact that nature and man exist on their own account is incomprehensible to it, because it contradicts everything tangible in practical life. (EPM, p. 106)

The direct reading of this passage is easily understood in the singular personal I Marx writes it in (even while he lived completely dependently on his family, his wife’s family, and his collaborator Friedrich Engels). When we realize it actually speaks not of the individual Marx but of Man as a collective—mankind itself—using Marx as an example, and remember that through creating his own society (collective) Man creates (collective) Man and (individual) men, it takes on another meaning. Man isn’t independent; he is interdependent. Man owes his existence to society, neither dependent (as its object) or independent (as its sole subject), but interdependent (subjectivity and objectivity in dialectical relationship). Self-appointed property holders have no right to create or maintain the lives of others, forcing them into dependence and life by their grace. Man is therefore Socialist in his nature, as this is the only possible solution to this “riddle of history” in which the source of Man’s life becomes Man, not in the singular but in the collective. Men, in the individual, owe their lives to Man, in the collective, which is only possible when men understand who they always were and thus who they are intended to become through the magical cycle of praxis and its never-ending inversion.

Marx’s Purpose for Being

Throughout his writings, Karl Marx was obsessed with explaining why Man is no mere animal. There may be no God, but Man is not an animal (or a machine). He is something higher. He is, in fact, the one species on the planet that creates himself. What makes Man into Man, rather than mere animal, is his capacity for bringing into existence that which he can envision in his imagination. His subjectivity is what makes him human, and his capacity to be a conscious subject aware of his own subjectivity and capacity to create from within it is what defines his humanity.

In the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts, Marx gives a long and fairly tortured account of the genealogy of man that utterly fails to account for the infinite regress he invokes.

Now it is certainly easy to say to the single individual what Aristotle has already said: You have been begotten by your father and your mother; therefore in you the mating of two human beings—a species-act of human beings—has produced the human being. You see, therefore, that even physically man owes his existence to man. Therefore you must not only keep sight of the one aspect—the infinite progression which leads you further to inquire: Who begot my father? Who his grandfather? etc. You must also hold on to the circular movement sensuously perceptible in that progress by which man repeats himself in procreation, man thus always remaining the subject. You will reply, however: I grant you this circular movement; now grant me the progress which drives me ever further until I ask: Who begot the first man, and nature as a whole? I can only answer you: Your question is itself a product of abstraction. Ask yourself how you arrived at that question. Ask yourself whether your question is not posed from a standpoint to which I cannot reply, because it is wrongly put. Ask yourself whether that progress as such exists for a reasonable mind. When you ask about the creation of nature and man, you are abstracting, in so doing, from man and nature. You postulate them as non-existent, and yet you want me to prove them to you as existing. Now I say to you: Give up your abstraction and you will also give up your question. Or if you want to hold on to your abstraction, then be consistent, and if you think of man and nature as non-existent, then think of yourself as non-existent, for you too are surely nature and man. Don’t think, don’t ask me, for as soon as you think and ask, your abstraction from the existence of nature and man has no meaning. Or are you such an egotist that you conceive everything as nothing, and yet want yourself to exist? (EPM, pp. 106–107)

Needless to say, Marx was weird and weirdly imperious when confronted with an obvious flaw in his self-begetting conception of Man. The false resolution Marx seems to have had in mind, however, is that Man became human by lifting himself out of animality bit by slow bit through the endless dialectical cycle of praxis and the inversion of praxis. Thus, Man made himself, though mostly unconscious of the fact that he was making himself and of the (dialectical) means by which he was making himself. How, though, did Man make himself and thus sublate himself above the other animals? Sociality. Man made himself socially, through his society, which he created for himself in the first place. Thus, Man is a social being, and if he hadn’t fallen through the invention of private property and thus his own self-estrangement, he would still realize he is a social being. Marx’s antiquated word for this is “species being,” a man who lives for the benefit of his species and who knows it:

For labour, life activity, productive life itself, appears to man in the first place merely as a means of satisfying a need—the need to maintain physical existence. Yet the productive life is the life of the species. It is life-engendering life. The whole character of a species—its species-character —is contained in the character of its life activity; and free, conscious activity is man’s species-character. Life itself appears only as a means to life.

The animal is immediately one with its life activity. It does not distinguish itself from it. It is its life activity. Man makes his life activity itself the object of his will and of his consciousness. He has conscious life activity. It is not a determination with which he directly merges. Conscious life activity distinguishes man immediately from animal life activity. It is just because of this that he is a species-being. Or it is only because he is a species-being that he is a conscious being, i.e., that his own life is an object for him. Only because of that is his activity free activity. Estranged labour reverses this relationship, so that it is just because man is a conscious being that he makes his life activity, his essential being, a mere means to his existence. (EPM, p. 73)

For animals, they are their “life activity.” That is, they are what constitutes their survival. This isn’t actually different for Man, but the “life activity” of Man has a different character because of Man’s consciousness. Man’s life activity is the construction of society, by which he constructs himself through himself. It is something he can sit apart from and contemplate and act upon willfully, envisioning how he wants it to be created. Man therefore owes his consciousness to his society, to others and his interdependent relationships with others. In fact, his “life activity” is primarily this: the conscious creation of himself and his society—thus the future of himself.

In creating a world of objects by his practical activity, in his work upon inorganic nature, man proves himself a conscious species-being, i.e., as a being that treats the species as its own essential being, or that treats itself as a species-being. Admittedly animals also produce. They build themselves nests, dwellings, like the bees, beavers, ants, etc. But an animal only produces what it immediately needs for itself or its young. It produces one-sidedly, whilst man produces universally. It produces only under the dominion of immediate physical need, whilst man produces even when he is free from physical need and only truly produces in freedom therefrom. An animal produces only itself, whilst man reproduces the whole of nature. An animal’s product belongs immediately to its physical body, whilst man freely confronts his product. An animal forms objects only in accordance with the standard and the need of the species to which it belongs, whilst man knows how to produce in accordance with the standard of every species, and knows how to apply everywhere the inherent standard to the object. Man therefore also forms objects in accordance with the laws of beauty. (EPM, pp. 73–74)

The problem is that the division of labor has alienated man from this true nature of himself, which he could know if he didn’t believe labor as it occurs under the division of labor is what he’s supposed to be doing with himself.

The division of labour is the economic expression of the social character of labour within the estrangement. Or, since labour is only an expression of human activity within alienation, of the manifestation of life as the alienation of life, the division of labour, too, is therefore nothing else but the estranged, alienated positing of human activity as a real activity of the species or as activity of man as a species-being. (EPM, p. 122)

What’s the resolution? Communism. As we read from him before, “communism therefore as the complete return of man to himself as a social (i.e., human) being—a return accomplished consciously and embracing the entire wealth of previous development.” How is it to be achieved? According to the Communist Manifesto, “communism can be summarized in a single sentence: abolition of private property” (ch. 2). In other words, man is to abolish private property and thereby undo his Fall and reinstate his true nature as a “species-being,” which is essentially, and not at all crudely, Communist: he is a being that has arrived at (or, more accurately, returned to) the positive transcendence of private property.

Of course, that doesn’t really answer how the abolition of private property and the division of labor that sustains it is to be accomplished, especially given that man confuses labor under division as the labor he’s meant and made to be doing. Before explaining the how, briefly note why man is so wrong about what he believes he’s supposed to be doing: the inversion of praxis. Being raised in a divided labor condition, his subjective range is limited to his own estrangement, which socialized him to believe that’s what he should be doing. Escaping this issue requires him to be conscious of himself as someone who could do something else. That’s where the how in Marxism appears. Returning to the point as Marx had it, leaving out the parts distinguishing Man from animal and continuing to the essential point further down the page,

In creating a world of objects by his practical activity, in his work upon inorganic nature, man proves himself a conscious species-being, i.e., as a being that treats the species as its own essential being, or that treats itself as a species-being. … It is just in his work upon the objective world, therefore, that man really proves himself to be a species-being. This production is his active species-life. Through this production, nature appears, as his work and his reality. The object of labour is, therefore, the objectification of Man’s species-life: for he duplicates himself not only, as in consciousness, intellectually, but also actively, in reality, and therefore he sees himself in a world that he has created. (EPM, pp. 73–74)

The Fall of Man through the division of labor really is characterized as a Fall of Man. Man becomes estranged from himself in the same way he became estranged from God in the Fall from Eden—but now he is to be seen as his own creator, through the demiurgic powers that manifest in society itself. The result of his Fall is that Man comes to believe himself to be an individual, and thus he doesn’t and can’t know who he is.

In estranging from man (1) nature, and (2) himself, his own active functions, his life activity, estranged labour estranges the species from man. It changes for him the life of the species into a means of individual life. First it estranges the life of the species and individual life, and secondly it makes individual life in its abstract form the purpose of the life of the species, likewise in its abstract and estranged form. (EPM, p. 73)

In tearing away from man the object of his production, therefore, estranged labour tears from him his species-life, his real objectivity as a member of the species, and transforms his advantage over animals into the disadvantage that his inorganic body, nature, is taken away from him. … Estranged labour turns thus [m]an’s species-being, both nature and his spiritual species-property, into a being alien to him, into a means for his individual existence. It estranges from man his own body, as well as external nature and his spiritual aspect, his human aspect. (EPM, p. 74)

For Marx, Man’s “human aspect,” the quality in him that makes him essentially human instead of animal, is that he is a Communist. Thus, Marx named his view “humanism” and claimed conscious Marxist praxis “humanizes” Man, society, and the world.

The abolition of private property is therefore the complete emancipation of all human senses and qualities, but it is this emancipation precisely because these senses and attributes have become, subjectively and objectively, human. The eye has become a human eye, just as its object has become a social, human object—an object made by man for man. The senses have therefore become directly in their practice theoreticians. They relate themselves to the thing for the sake of the thing, but the thing itself is an objective human relation to itself and to man, and vice versa. Need or enjoyment have consequently lost its egotistical nature, and nature has lost its mere utility by use becoming human use. (EPM, p. 101)

The goal of this project is making each and all—Man, society, and world, including nature—fit for Man as he truly is, if only he could transcend his depraved (property-owning) false nature, which he wove into himself through generations of the inversion of praxis within the Fallen (property-owning) society he sinfully created for himself.

[T]he social character is the general character of the whole movement: just as society itself produces man as man, so is society produced by him. Activity and enjoyment, both in their content and in their mode of existence, are social: social activity and social enjoyment. The human aspect of nature exists only for social man; for only then does nature exist for him as a bond with man—as his existence for the other and the other’s existence for him—and as the life-element of human reality. Only then does nature exist as the foundation of his own human existence. Only here has what is to him his natural existence become his human existence, and nature become man for him. Thus society is the complete unity of man with nature—the true resurrection of nature—the consistent naturalism of man and the consistent humanism of nature. (EPM, p. 98)

As a religion, the point of Marxism is to teach Man to remember who he is. Notice I didn’t say “to teach people…” or “to teach men who they are.” All of Man, as a collective species, has to remember who he is. He is a species-being. His true nature is a fully social animal that hasn’t Fallen by seizing private property, declaring “this is mine.” Thus he declares “I am because I am someone who can possess.” This is a man who has forgotten that he is social because he’s been socialized to believe he is not. Because Man is always creating society (praxis, conscious or not) and society is always creating Man (inversion of praxis), Man is always a social being. The question, for Marx, is merely whether or not he is conscious of it.

The individual is the social being. His manifestations of life—even if they may not appear in the direct form of communal manifestations of life carried out in association with others—are therefore an expression and confirmation of social life. Man’s individual and species-life are not different, however much—and this is inevitable—the mode of existence of the individual is a more particular or more general mode of the life of the species, or the life of the species is a more particular or more general individual life. (EPM, p. 99)

The individual for Marx is someone who can assert “I am someone who can have this thing that I withhold from you” while pretending that’s not a social relation, and the Communist is someone with the “human” consciousness that returns him to his social nature.

As a corollary, we see Marx’s theory of alienation by labor. Because you might value that thing and want it or something similar, or the advantage it confers, my assertion of having something enables me to require you to work for me to gain access to it. Thus, I estrange you from who you are, someone who can subjectively imagine and then create objects and see yourself as their creator, because you’re creating objects for me out of my vision. We become estranged, and the power that follows from possession, thus individuality, estranges us. It is sin, and the wages of sin are toil and death.

First, the fact that labour is external to the worker, i.e., it does not belong to his intrinsic nature; that in his work, therefore, he does not affirm himself but denies himself, does not feel content but unhappy, does not develop freely his physical and mental energy but mortifies his body and ruins his mind. The worker therefore only feels himself outside his work, and in his work feels outside himself. He feels at home when he is not working, and when he is working he does not feel at home. His labour is therefore not voluntary, but coerced; it is forced labour. It is therefore not the satisfaction of a need; it is merely a means to satisfy needs external to it. Its alien character emerges clearly in the fact that as soon as no physical or other compulsion exists, labour is shunned like the plague. External labour, labour in which man alienates himself, is a labour of self-sacrifice, of mortification. Lastly, the external character of labour for the worker appears in the fact that it is not his own, but someone else’s, that it does not belong to him, that in it he belongs, not to himself, but to another. Just as in religion the spontaneous activity of the human imagination, of the human brain and the human heart, operates on the individual independently of him—that is, operates as an alien, divine or diabolical activity—so is the worker’s activity not his spontaneous activity. It belongs to another; it is the loss of his self. (EPM, p. 71)

This, in turn, inverts Man and animal, reducing Man to a mere animal that only feels human when engaging in animal activities like eating, drinking, and having sex. That which is divine within Man—his essential human nature and what every other Esoteric Religious sect before Marx recognized as his immortal spirit—is not merely lost but debased so that in its depravity it repeats for itself the Fall by seeking itself in the mundane, corporeal, Fallen world of bodily need and gratification. Man, for Marx, is thusly debased, depraved, and dehumanized by the existence of private property and the social relations it produces.

As a result, therefore, man (the worker) only feels himself freely active in his animal functions—eating, drinking, procreating, or at most in his dwelling and in dressing-up, etc.; and in his human functions he no longer feels himself to be anything but an animal. W hat is animal becomes human and what is human becomes animal. (EPM, p. 71)

Marx offers a solution to this problem, as we have already seen: Communism. He believes it follows from consciousness, or gnosis, of this true nature of Man and his conditions. Under Marxism, as a religion, Man is (not merely “men are”) to be made conscious of their true nature and the structural conditions engendered by that which has caused their Fall, which is private property. In turn, they have a duty of conscience to do the work in praxis to transform the world so that the next dialectical turn of the inversion of praxis will expand people’s consciousness further. Writes Marx, attempting to justify the utility of his own theorizing amid so many appeals to hard labor, “my own existence is social activity, and therefore that which I make of myself, I make of myself for society and with the consciousness of myself as a social being” (EPM, p. 99).

This process is to continue and continue and continue until Man remembers who he is, a species-being who lives collectively, and thus transcends private property. As his own creator who knows himself to have created himself thusly, he re-enters Eden on his own terms. There’s no need for a Savior because Man, as a singular collective, saves himself. Not faith, but arbeit, macht frei.

The essential reason for this is the dialectical faith at the center of Marxism. Man makes society. That’s praxis. Society, in turn, makes Man. That’s the inversion of praxis. Man, thus far, has Fallen and thereby made himself unconscious of the dialectical conditions that shape his reality and thus himself, but he can conscientize. He can become aware of the conditions that shape his reality and himself, and thus he can make himself as he should be, recollecting (in the Hermetic sense) his true nature as a species-being, which Marx later called “Socialist Man.” The creation of Man through society—through his State as Man’s self-made messianic Savior—can be consciously directed back to where it should have been all along. The prison of Being can be escaped. Man can return home and know himself to have come home. “Communism is the riddle of history solved, and it knows itself to be this solution.”

The only question, then, is what aspect or aspects of society make Man through the inversion of praxis. For Marx, who was a material determinist, economic conditions make Man, so in order to consciously seize the means of producing society and Man, one must seize the means of material production. The economic theory of Marxism misses what Marxism is entirely. It merely identifies one potential software routine in the underlying dialectical operating system (faith) of dialectical transformation of Man through the seizure of his means of self-production, and there are others. Thus, classical economic Marxism gave way to Cultural Marxism gave way to Critical Marxism gave way to Identity Marxism gave way to Woke Marxism is giving way to Sustainability Marxism today. Same religion, different plug-in for determining what drives the inversion of praxis.

Marxism in Full Generality

Marxism, in full generality, then, posits the existence of a special kind of “bourgeois” property (generally, “capital”) to which some people grant themselves access while excluding everyone else. This property empowers them to shape society for their own benefit while casting everyone else into enstrangement and alienation—a prison at the level of their very being.

To fully understand Marxism, the special property or capital under consideration must be conceived of very broadly. There is material capital, cultural capital, social capital, intellectual capital, human capital, and so on, and access to any or all of these has to be considered. The currently dominant versions of Marxism view these various forms of capital, or special “bourgeois” property, to be intertwined with one another and impossible to understand in isolation. Their power is “intersectional.”

The special access to a form of bourgeois property “stratifies” society into a class that has it and a class that does not have it. Access to the property confers advantages to the people who have it, leading them to want to keep it and rationalize keeping it through what Marx named “ideology.” It also confers power, which they use to structure society to their own advantage. The power they create is therefore systemic or structural in nature, and it results from the interplay between the privileged class and those they exploit to maintain their privilege.

The classes produced by this structural Fall of Man are therefore intrinsically in conflict with one another over access to the special property and the means of possessing it. Thus, the overclass erects a system that estranges the everyday individual (for Marx, the worker) in the underclass from the product of his efforts and thus his ability to fully and truly be. Those with the power to direct this system of power (currently referred to as “privileged”) generate elaborate mythologies, called “ideologies,” that justify their access to the special property and the power it confers while exploiting others to increase the amount of it they have. Marx claimed that ideology “mystifies” reality and that Marxism “demystifies” it.

Ideology functions in such a way as to ensure neither group is conscious of the “true” nature of society, which is “structural.” The goal, however, as Marx and Engels note in The Communist Manifesto can be summarized in the single idea of “abolition of private property” of this special kind. Marxism bills itself as the sole path to “the end of ideology”—not this ideology or that ideology, but ideology itself, in toto. It is therefore the only system of thought of its kind that somehow manages not to constitute an ideology, but this is just another way Marxists consider themselves better than everyone else and thereby trick themselves.

It will be instructive to see this abstract expression of Marxism in several more concrete forms. We therefore now turn to a number of descriptive examples.

Many Faces of Marxist Faith

The basic structure of Marxism repeats itself through every evolution of Marxist Theory and is always adhered to religiously and with the zealot’s fervor. In every case, a special form of property is at the center of the “Theory,” and the liberation of man depends on its abolition, by which is meant its “positive transcendence.”

For Marx, the special property was capital. Its ideology is capitalism, a caricature of market economies. Its winners are the bourgeoisie, and its losers the working class, who become a proletariat when awakened to class consciousness. The structure of this society is enforced by structural classism which is materially deterministic. The goal of Marx’s economic-material Marxism is the abolition (or transcendence) of private property.

In Cultural Marxism, the special property is cultural capital, the power to define and set culture. Its ideology is (cultural) capitalism, a form of cultural dominance. Its winners are the culturally elite, who are mostly the bourgeoisie, and its losers are those of low culture, who were readily identified with the working class. They can be awakened into a (cultural) proletariat by awakening their class consciousness, which includes an understanding of how cultural mores define the haves and have-nots in society. The structure of this society is enforced by cultural hegemony, which includes both classism and cultural classism, which are materially and structurally deterministic. The goal of Cultural Marxism is to abolish the existing means of production of cultural values and to establish a counter-hegemony that favors Marxism within culture-producing institutions (e.g., family, religion, education, media, and law) in order to abolish (or transcend) bourgeois culture and class society.

In Critical Marxism, the special property is acceptability. Its ideology is positivism, by which is meant strict rationality and legalistic thinking, at least in professional circles. Its winners are the culturally elite and the normal (“one-dimensional man”), and its losers are the culturally excluded. They can be awakened into critical theorists by adopting critical consciousness, which is the understanding that a better society cannot be articulated in the terms of the existing society but that the features of the existing society they find “dehumanizing” can be critiqued. The structure of this society is material, cultural, and social classism and is maintained by commodification, which is materially and structurally deterministic. Its goal is the abolition of the existing terms of society (a Great Refusal).

In Postmodern Marxism (not an oxymoron), the special property is discursive dominance, which is the ability to control how ideas and their networks of meanings are understood. Its ideology is a belief in the stability and universality of meaning. Its winners are the socioculturally elite, and its losers are the socioculturally excluded and marginalized. They can be awakened into postmodernism (or postmodern/radical skepticism), which is a general belief that all meaning-making is an expression of power, so, essentially a consciousness of how power operates within and through society within its meaning-making apparatuses. The structure of this society is discursive structuralism, which is structurally deterministic. Its goal is the abolition of privileging of meaning-making.

In Critical Race Theory, as I argue in Race Marxism, the special property is whiteness. Its ideology is white supremacy. Its winners are whites and white-adjacents. Its losers are people of color. Either of these can become antiracists when awakened to race consciousness (instead of colorblindness). The structure of this society is enforced by systemic racism, which is both materially and structurally deterministic. Its goal is the abolition (or transcendence) of whiteness.

In (Marxian) Feminism, the special property is maleness. Its ideology is patriarchy, that men should lead society. Its winners are men. Its losers are women and, to a certain extent, at least sometimes, homosexual men. These can become feminists when awakened with feminist consciousness. The structure of this society is enforced by misogyny, structural sexism, phallagocentrism, gender normativity, and sex essentialism, which can be both materially and (in multiple ways) structurally deterministic. Its goal is the abolition (or transcendence) of patriarchy.

In Queer Theory, the special property is normalcy. Its ideology is cisheteronormativity, that it is regarded as normal to be straight and not trans. Its winners are cisheterosexuals and people who pass as such. Its losers are the abnormal. These can become allies or queer when awakened with queer consciousness. The structure of this society is enforced by homophobia, transphobia, and other bigotries of normativity, which is both materially and structurally deterministic. Its goal is the abolition (or transcendence) of normalcy and, with it, normativity, i.e., all norms and socially enforced categorical expectations.

In Disability Studies, the special property is able-bodiedness. Its ideology is ableism, that it is in general better and more normal to be able-bodied instead of disabled in some way. Its winners are the able-bodied. Its losers are the disabled (who are disabled by the failure of society to accommodate disability as fully as it accommodates ability, which is realized when disability is in no way any disadvantage at all). These can become disability activists when awakened with a critical consciousness of ability status. The structure of this society is enforced by dis/ableism, which is both materially and structurally deterministic. Its goal is the abolition (or transcendence) of ableism.

In Fat Studies, the special property is thinness. Its ideology is thinnormativity, that it is normal for the human body not to be overweight (in fact, the term “overweight” is problematic because it implies thinnormativity by suggesting an ideal weight exists). Its winners are the thin. Its losers are the fat and bodies of size. These can become fat activists when awakened with a critical fat consciousness. The structure of this society is enforced by fatphobia along with healthism (that it is important and valuable to be healthy), which are both materially and structurally deterministic. Its goal is the abolition (or transcendence) of thinnormativity and expectations about weight and body size.

In Freirean education, the special property is formal education or literacy. Its ideology is one of “educated society,” which values being educated and literate in ways acceptable to the existing system. Its winners are the formally educated and literate, regarded as knowers, and its losers the illiterate, who are actually knowers in their own right, though the system excludes them, their ways of knowing, and their knowledges. They are awakened through political literacy, and conscientization is the process of their awakening. The critically conscious or conscientized are those who have been awakened. The structure of this society is enforced by expectations on literacy and formal education, which are materially and structurally deterministic, relegating the underclass to a “culture of silence,” as Freire has it. The goal is the abolition (or transcendence) of formal education and objective knowledge, and thus the immediate goal is the reappropriation of education into a process of conscientiation and “humanization.”

In Climate Justice, the special property is not being impacted by human-caused climate change. Its ideology is energy abundance (through non-Green energy sources), which are enabled by neoliberalism and imperialism. Its winners are the first world, the fossil-fuel industry, and all privileged classes, who are believed to suffer fewer impacts of climate change. Its losers are the developing and undeveloped world and everybody, especially members of oppressed classes, who benefit least from existing energy sources and suffer the consequences of climate change the most (allegedly). They are awakened through Green activism (and Blue), and they have a climate consciousness. The structure of the existing society is largely enforced by petro-capitalism, which runs a capitalist enterprise on the back of energy abundance produced by oil, coal, natural gas, and nuclear power, all of which are backed by neoliberalism (with regard to energy policy), which have material and structurally deterministic effects. Its goal is the abolition of “Black Energy,” full reliance upon “Green Energy,” the end of the oil, coal, and gas industries, and environmental and Climate Justice (redistribution globally according to alleged climate change production and damages). Its primary objective in branding is “sustainability.”

We could go on (into postcolonial theory, health equity, and on and on), but we will not. In all cases, the mechanism is for the “conscious” to seize the means of production in the relevant domain and use that control to force redistribution and new norms that work toward abolishing the relevant form of special property by abolishing the special access or even its fundamental meaning. Doing so will abolish the special property and thus undo its contribution to the Fall of Man, thus ending the estrangement the existence of that form of special property and its attendant power dynamic produce.

What we see here is that Marxism, once understood properly as a Esoteric faith of societal division and transmutation (in alchemy, by: “divide and unify” or “dissolve and precipitate”), has reared its head in many different forms but has not lost its essential character. One additional example that grows significantly out of all of these preceding but especially the Critical Marxist line bears describing.

In Sustainable Marxism, which obviously has a double meaning, the special form of property is production capacity (in general). Its ideology is shareholder capitalism. Its winners are the one percent. Its losers are the ninety-nine percent, especially women, gender minorities, sexual minorities, racial minorities, residents of the Third World, and all other members of “marginalized groups.” These can become activists on behalf of the Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations and its 2030 Agenda and by behaving in ways that are ESG compliant (stakeholder-determined Environmental, Social, and Governance standards comprise ESG compliance). Its goal is to abolish shareholder capitalism and replace it with stakeholder capitalism, or “sustainable and inclusive” capitalism, which is not actually capitalism at all but a market-containing command economy not unlike the one in China under the CCP.

The Last Word

It’s time we understand Marxism for what it really is: a cult-religious ideology of transforming the world “back into Eden” by undoing the Fall of man into producing stratified power dynamics through allegedly self-granted access to special property. It arises from a singular error, which is the inability to perceive the legitimacy of a legitimate hierarchy, and thus proceeds by means of ignorant destructive envy. No matter which form of special property is under consideration, it is always the same, and so are its fruits. Restoring liberty and goodness to our lives depends on understanding this.

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I am honestly in awe that they're just openly declaring that their way is the way of evil, and people are still like, yes.

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So, am I supposed to vote for the party whose most vocal wing actively celebrates the murder of one of my best friends, or am I supposed to vote for the party that tolerates the "We Are Going To F--king Kill You" people as its most vocal wing, knowing they include me in that?

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Liberty Made Ordinary: The Inheritance Post-Liberalism Cannot See
by Mike Burke

Some seventeen million dead. “When you see millions of the mouthless dead … Say not soft things as other men have said,” Charles Sorley wrote, before becoming one of them. He was twenty when he was killed at the Battle of Loos in October 1915. The poem was found afterward in his kit. The dead are mouthless now: we cannot question them, console them or ask what any of it was like. Yet Sorley’s poem is itself part of what they leave behind—not a political instruction, but an act of witness through which one life continues to make a claim upon lives not yet born. This is one way a moral inheritance passes between generations: not only through doctrines and laws, but through stories, images and remembered examples that shape what people notice, what they honour and what they understand themselves to owe. The strand with which this essay is concerned is the knowledge that other lives make claims upon our own, and that a world in which liberty has become ordinary can be preserved only by people willing to answer those claims. Some have answered them at the cost of their lives, although in forms and for reasons no later argument has the right to simplify. Through what they did, what they suffered and what they left behind, the dead speak to us one life at a time. Seventeen million is not an image. It is the point at which images fail.

This essay is not really about the First World War, or about any single crisis. It is about why Sorley can move us when seventeen million cannot; why certain truths enter us as recognition while others, no less true, remain inert; and what that difference might explain about the survival of this thing we call liberal democracy. It will turn to two moments involving three men, separated by decades and borders. None of them needed—and perhaps none would have been able—to reconstruct in philosophical language the moral inheritance upon which he acted. They knew it in its stronger form: as something that had to be done. In what they chose to do, each revealed some part of an inheritance that may still endure among us. Whether it also endures in you is one of the questions their stories will ask. Behind that question lies a plea: to see the extraordinary effort and sacrifice concealed within ordinary liberty, and to recognise the ingratitude of discarding such an inheritance for an order imagined in theory and untested in life.

Naming the political form that inheritance takes is part of the difficulty. Liberal no longer suggests liberty to everyone. To some it means a faction: censorious in the name of tolerance and inclined to treat disagreement not as a necessary condition of a free society but as evidence of moral failure. To others, it names the hypocrisies of societies that proclaimed universal freedom while practising conquest, exclusion and oppression. Neither association is imaginary, but neither encompasses what I mean. If the word obstructs rather than clarifies, cross it out wherever it appears and write constitutional liberty, self-government or simply a free society. The name matters less than the thing.

And the thing is easily missed because it is most often experienced as an absence. It is the knock at the door that does not come. It is the joke told about a politician, and the silence that does not fall afterward. It is the private space in which you may vote no; the freedom to leave a church, a party, a profession or a place; the right to be judged by fellow citizens rather than condemned by decree; the demand that power give an account of itself before it enters your home, confines your body or takes your life. It does not promise that you will be happy, prosperous or wise. It promises something at once more modest and more profound: that your life does not belong to power. It is liberty made ordinary—so ordinary that we have learned to mistake it for the natural condition of mankind.

Ordinary liberty was ordinary to earlier generations too, but many of them understood its meaning more clearly than many people do now. The difference is that its contingency remained close enough to remember. They lived among people who could recall its absence, beneath monuments whose meaning they still understood, and in a Europe divided by an Iron Curtain, beyond which the knock did come and the silence did fall. The freedoms themselves were familiar; so was the knowledge of their fragility. What has faded is less the inheritance itself than the living memory of its absence that once made the inheritance intelligible.

The problem here, then, is not catastrophe itself, nor even the immediate threat of it, but what happens to its memory after both have receded. For those who endured catastrophe, or lived within reach of regimes capable of inflicting it, the fragility of ordinary freedom required little explanation. But how can knowledge born of experiences you never shared be carried across time once the threat has passed and the witnesses have gone? Numbers can establish the scale of a catastrophe, but they cannot give that scale a body. For that, generations have turned to witnesses and artists, who preserve in a single human image what magnitude alone cannot make us feel. The same faculty that allows us to feel something of a war we never saw may also allow us to remember the meaning of a freedom we have never lacked—to understand that a world of ordinary liberty endures only while people are willing to preserve it for one another, sometimes at the cost of their lives.

The First World War left an extraordinary body of such testimony. Wilfred Owen did not write seventeen million. He wrote of one sentry blinded by a shell burst and hurled into the darkness of a dugout: “O sir, my eyes—I’m blind—I’m blind, I’m blind!” Isaac Rosenberg did not write seventeen million either. He wrote of wheels that “lurched over sprawled dead.” Neither image tells us whether the war was necessary, avoidable, just or futile. Neither attempts to. They do something at once simpler and more essential: they make an otherwise incomprehensible quantity of suffering briefly imaginable. The number gives us the magnitude. The particular gives the magnitude somewhere to live.

Through such testimony, the misery and sacrifice of the past pass from the page into the mind’s eye. That power allows a moral inheritance to cross generations. That power can be turned against what it serves. The same faculty that makes one death unbearable can make an entire inheritance disappear—not through falsehood, but through selection. The particular is not inherently truthful: a fragment of reality may reveal the whole, but it may also impersonate it. The most effective propagandist need not invent a fact, forge a photograph or fabricate a grief. Selection is often enough. The suffering may be real, the injustice real, every detail entirely authentic—and yet the picture they compose may be a deception that the fuller reality would never support. The wound is real; the lie consists in presenting it as the whole body. To persuade people that a free society has already failed, one need only make each of its failures vivid and each of its achievements invisible: its failures particular, its inheritance abstract.

Consider Steven Pinker, one of the most prominent defenders of the Enlightenment inheritance. In Enlightenment Now⁠, Pinker places before us a formidable statistical case for the modern world. His data may establish that human beings live longer, suffer less violence, escape poverty more often and possess greater freedom than their ancestors. Yet place beside the graph the photograph of a single child killed in war and we encounter a truth the graph cannot contain. Because the photograph makes its truth present in a way the graph cannot, it can be offered as a refutation of Pinker’s account—and felt as one—even though it does not by itself contradict his data. The child is not an anecdote to be averaged away; neither is she evidence that the average is wrong. The two forms of truth answer different questions. The graph can tell us what has happened to humanity. It cannot tell us what this child means. A corresponding moral argument encounters the same limit: however sound it may be, it reaches the listener as an argument, and arguments are not what people cry over. That is not a failure of reason. It is a failure to recognise that one kind of truth cannot do another kind’s work.

And yet the photograph’s power has a limit of its own. Those moved by it return to lives structured by freedoms they scarcely notice, seldom considering the extraordinary effort and sacrifice through which those freedoms were secured, defended and made ordinary. Indeed, they may exercise those very freedoms in making the suffering visible. They publish without permission, accuse the powerful, appeal to the consciences of strangers and do so without fearing that the accusation will bring a knock at the door. None of this makes the child less dead or the accusation less just. It means only that the moral instinct behind the accusation—that a distant life matters, that power must answer for suffering, that no death should disappear into a number—remains part of the older inheritance carried within liberal society. A free society can stand accused by a conscience it has not extinguished.

Neither form of truth is sovereign. A story may disclose what the graph has failed to count, reveal a category badly drawn or give moral weight to suffering concealed inside an improving average. But it cannot establish a general rule merely through the force with which it moves us. The graph asks whether the story is representative; the story asks whether the graph has measured what matters. The graph prevents an exceptional case from impersonating the rule; the story prevents the rule from erasing the person. Each corrects the temptation of the other.

Conscience alone, however, cannot preserve a political order. If the case for liberal democracy is to reach those whom the graph and argument cannot, its defenders need human beings in whom its principles become visible: men and women whose choices reveal what the inheritance asks of us and what its loss would mean. We commonly imagine the state as machinery—or, in its more philosophically respectable form, as the artificial power Hobbes called Leviathan⁠. Fear can explain why people submit to authority, and security why they tolerate it. Neither explains why generations become devoted to a political inheritance or, in extremity, choose to die for it.

People rarely love the machinery of government. They love a country through stories and symbols, buildings and rituals, remembered sacrifices and the names of the dead. The American republic made its abstractions visible in this way: a date—1776; a place—Independence Hall; words children could learn; and human beings in whose lives its promises and betrayals could be seen. Washington, Lincoln and King came to embody parts of the republic’s unfinished claim about what a person is owed. At their best, its monuments remind Americans that their inheritance is also a promise not yet kept. Abolitionists⁠, suffragists⁠ and civil-rights marchers⁠ accused America in the language of America.

Warning what would happen if liberal democracy were dismantled explains why we should hesitate, but not why we would grieve. An inheritance is more like an old, tarnished locket containing a faded photograph. To a stranger it may be almost nothing; to its inheritor it contains attachments accumulated across generations, none visible in the object itself. Political institutions are not heirlooms, and age alone makes nothing just. But liberal democracy shares this quality with the locket: its meaning resides not only in what its institutions do, but in the lives lived under them, the sacrifices made for them and the memories entrusted to them. Without those lives and memories, we may understand what the institutions do while losing any sense of what they mean. Severed from the inheritance that animates them, they become bureaucratic necessities, like a water utility or an electricity company: vital, largely unnoticed and visible chiefly when they fail. People may depend upon such machinery, but they will not understand themselves as custodians of the world it sustains. We have become remarkably good at explaining liberal democracy’s machinery, and remarkably bad at remembering the human meaning stored inside it. When a society loses the capacity to see the human lives stored inside its own institutions, it suffers a form of historical amnesia—a loss of context that contemporary critics have weaponized into a theory of liberalism's inevitable collapse.

An inheritance this difficult to see is easily declared dead. The most serious obituary for liberal democracy is now being written by the post-liberal right. Its argument is not merely that liberal societies have become divided, lonely or morally uncertain. Those conditions are symptoms of a deeper failure. Liberalism, it claims, was poisoned at conception: founded upon an idea of the autonomous individual that would inevitably dissolve the families, faiths, communities and national traditions upon which every durable political order depends. Its centuries of prosperity were not a refutation of the diagnosis, but the long interval during which it consumed an inheritance it could neither acknowledge nor replenish. What appears to be crisis is therefore collapse; what appears to be exhaustion is the final stage of an illness present from the beginning.

The obituary has been written before. Its authors might remember Mark Twain—although not quite the version usually repeated. After a false report of his death circulated in 1897, Twain wrote: “The report of my death was an exaggeration⁠.” Liberal democracy has been prematurely buried by obituarists who appeared to possess better evidence than those writing today. German victory in the First World War would have left much of liberal Europe subordinated to an authoritarian empire. Fascism destroyed democratic institutions wherever it took power and came close to mastering Europe. Soviet communism confronted liberal democracy with an empire capable of ending civilisation in an afternoon. Fascist⁠ and communist⁠ theorists did not rely upon force alone: they explained at length why liberal democracy was decadent, exhausted or condemned by history—why its failure followed inevitably from what it was. The liberal democracies helped defeat fascism and outlasted the Soviet Union anyway.

These adversaries were not equivalent, and past survival guarantees nothing. But history places a burden upon today’s obituary writers: they must explain why the present will prove more fatal than military catastrophe, fascist conquest, communist empire and nuclear terror. Liberal democracy can die. The point is that reports of its death have repeatedly mistaken crisis for collapse. That case is not sentiment. It is history.

None of this proves that liberal democracy is the best political arrangement imaginable, or that age can sanctify injustice. It establishes something more modest: an inherited order under which generations have lived through extraordinary gains in security, prosperity and freedom is entitled to the benefit of the doubt. The record Pinker describes does not prove that liberal democracy caused every improvement, still less that no alternative could have produced something better. It does prevent the history of liberal society from being described as simple failure. Those who would displace the settlement therefore bear the burden of showing why their untried design deserves precedence over accumulated experience.

Yet the historical argument has an obvious limit. A civilisation that survives armies, empires and nuclear confrontation may still decay from within. The post-liberal claim is that this is precisely what happened: liberal democracy survived its external enemies only to dissolve the moral inheritance upon which its survival depended. Verdun, Hitler and the Soviet Union cannot answer that charge. It must be tested elsewhere—in the people who live inside liberal societies now, and in what they still understand themselves to owe one another.

Among the most influential advocates of the post-liberal case is Yoram Hazony. In The Virtue of Nationalism⁠ and Conservatism: A Rediscovery⁠, he presents Enlightenment liberalism not as an inheritance but as a rationalist attempt to construct political order from universal abstractions, severed from the loyalties—family, faith, history and nation—that make collective life durable. His strongest insight is one with which this essay agrees: no civilisation can live indefinitely as a proposition.

The disagreement concerns not whether inheritance matters, but whether Hazony can recognise one he dislikes. He writes as a steward of Edmund Burke, who opposed the revolutionary conceit that society could be reconstructed from abstract principles, as though a nation were a blank page rather than a living trust among the dead, the living and those yet to be born⁠. Burkean conservatism begins with the authority of an evolved settlement. It reforms that settlement through its own institutions and traditions; it does not first require the inheritance to justify itself before the tribunal of a theory—even one offered in its defence.

Hazony nevertheless denies precisely this deference to the liberal dimensions of the constitutional order actual Western peoples have inherited. He treats centuries in which parliaments, courts, liberties, customs and political expectations became interwoven as though the resulting settlement could be divided cleanly between an authentic conservative inheritance and the corruption introduced by a false philosophical premise. He then appeals to a recovered theory of conservative democracy through which its liberal character might be displaced. This is not preservation through improvement. It reproduces the central conceit of the radicals Burke opposed: an existing society is measured against an intellectual scheme, pronounced illegitimate and summoned to reconstruct itself upon supposedly purer foundations. Hazony’s preferred principles are older and his intended destination different, but the revolutionary grammar is the same. His quarrel may be less with rationalism itself than with the rationalists who won.

That inversion of Burke rests upon a further error: mistaking the philosophical articulation of a civilisation for its creation. The philosophers of liberalism did not create the civilisation they described any more than legislators created the moral intuitions they placed into law. More importantly, the order Hazony reduces to their propositions was built, inhabited and amended by generations who never read them. Ordinary men and women carried it in custom and expectation. Philosophers gave that inheritance a language; they did not summon it into existence. Liberty became durable by becoming ordinary. Locke did not cause a people to awaken to their individual moral standing because they had read the Second Treatise⁠. He articulated and accelerated a change that no book could have manufactured alone. In a free society, durable political change usually follows changes in what ordinary people regard as legitimate, shameful or unthinkable. The law becomes secure not merely when a statute forbids arbitrary arrest, but when a population confronted by it instinctively asks: By what right?

Hazony cannot escape this history merely by giving his theory the name of tradition. If his recovered conservative order first takes root in the habits and convictions of ordinary people, then it will emerge through the same gradual process of persuasion, adaptation and inherited practice by which liberal democracy became durable. If it does not, the formal order must be changed before the people themselves have changed. A political elite would then have to construct the society described by the theory and require ordinary people to become what its authors believe they ought to be. Hazony must therefore choose between accepting the slow authority of public consciousness and reproducing the rationalist imposition he condemns.

That second course is authoritarian in structure. A ruler, party or committee transforms the formal order and demands that the people transform themselves accordingly. The speed looks like strength; more often it reveals how little of the new order exists outside the commands of those enforcing it. Command changes behaviour faster than conscience, which is why such regimes return so readily to censorship, surveillance, denunciation and terror. From Bolshevik Russia⁠ through Mao’s Great Leap Forward⁠ to the Khmer Rouge’s Cambodia⁠, attempts to force a society to become an idea have repeatedly ended in catastrophe.

Patrick Deneen, in Why Liberalism Failed⁠, makes the more sweeping claim that liberalism “has failed because it has succeeded.” Writing in an era marked by deep economic dislocation, institutional decay, and a pervasive sense of social atomisation, Deneen offers a diagnosis that feels urgently compelling to many: that liberal democracy’s pursuit of autonomy was destined to dissolve the relationships and customs upon which flourishing depends, leaving the individual subject to the market and the state. Liberalism was broken, in this account, by the unfolding of its own first principles.

The indictment identifies something real. Liberal societies can consume moral resources they do not know how to replenish. Freedom can become detachment; autonomy can decay into isolation; markets and bureaucracies can intrude where families and communities once stood. But the thesis has a convenient shape: any surviving solidarity can always be explained away as residue, spending down a capital it no longer replenishes. A claim immune to counter-evidence in principle can only be tested against evidence in practice. The question is not whether atomisation exists, but whether it is complete—whether the moral inheritance beneath liberal democracy has actually died, or only appears to have died to a diagnosis built so that no answer could count against it.

The strongest form of the post-liberal indictment depends upon this claim of necessary severance. Liberal democracy did not invent the older moral inheritance, but neither philosophical liberalism nor life under liberal institutions has proved incompatible with its continued transmission among ordinary people. If that is true, the central critique fails in its deterministic form. This does not prove that the inheritance is inexhaustible, or that liberal democracy is superior to every other political arrangement. Nor need it. It refutes the claim that liberalism has already consumed the inheritance upon which it depends, and denies post-liberals the right to present its eventual destruction as a conclusion contained within liberalism’s first principles. What remains may be a serious empirical warning about cultural depletion. It is no longer a philosophical verdict.

The claim of severance cannot be settled by a philosopher’s genealogy of ideas. It must also be tested in the people who inhabit liberal societies now: in what they recognise, what they honour and what, when another life suddenly depends upon them, they understand themselves to owe. The two stories that follow are not offered as a verdict upon liberal society. Their purpose is narrower: to make visible an older moral inheritance as it passes into action, and to ask whether the society surrounding that action still understands what it means.

The first two men were strangers to one another⁠ when, just after midnight on 24 April 2021, they encountered a woman struggling in the Thames near London Bridge. Folajimi Olubunmi-Adewole, known to his friends as Jimi, was a twenty-year-old restaurant worker on his way home after his shift. He heard the woman screaming from the darkness and called the emergency services, but was adamant that he could not simply wait. His friend Bernard Kosia later remembered⁠: “The whole time Jimi was saying, ‘I have got to save her.’ He was very adamant about it. He was taking off his clothes saying, ‘I have to save her, she is not dying.’” Joaquín García had independently seen the woman in difficulty and joined them at the water’s edge. He and Jimi removed some of their clothes, counted to three and entered the cold, dark water. García reached the woman and kept her afloat until emergency services rescued them. Jimi began struggling almost as soon as he entered the river and disappeared beneath it. His body was found at six o’clock that morning, almost six hours after he entered the water.

There was time enough to choose, but not enough to construct a theory. People on the bank urged the men not to enter. There was no opportunity to calculate the current, the effects of cold water or the probability that attempting one rescue would leave two more people needing to be saved. What governed Jimi and García was not calculation but recognition. A woman was going to die; therefore they had to try to save her. To call this a reflex would make it sound automatic, mechanical, somehow beneath choice. It was not beneath choice. It was what choice becomes when a moral conviction has entered so deeply into a person that he perceives the obligation before he can articulate it. Jimi did not first establish that the woman belonged to some category of people whose lives mattered. He heard a stranger crying out and understood that her life made a claim upon his own.

What followed matters too. Nearly 150,000 people⁠ who had never met Jimi signed a petition asking that his courage be commemorated. The call to honour him received support from political and civic figures across London, and a plaque bearing his name was eventually installed⁠ beside the river near the place from which he entered it. None of this proves that those who honoured Jimi would have done what he did. It establishes something more modest but still important: they knew what his act meant. They did not need to be persuaded that a young man who died attempting to save a stranger had placed his society in his debt. They were recognising something, not concluding it.

That recognition has a history. Centuries before liberal democracy had a name, the book of Leviticus commanded⁠: lo ta’amod al dam re’echa—do not stand idly by your neighbour’s blood. Jewish tradition understood the command in strikingly literal terms⁠: one who sees another drowning and is able to intervene is not permitted simply to watch. The law of England and Wales does not generally impose an equivalent duty to rescue⁠. Whatever moved Jimi and García, it demanded more of them than the law of the country in which they stood.

The same chapter of Leviticus commands its hearers to love the stranger as themselves.⁠ The Christian tradition carried that moral claim forward through the story of the Good Samaritan⁠. When a lawyer asked Jesus who counted as his neighbour, Jesus answered not with a definition but with a human scene. A man lies wounded beside a road. A priest passes him; then a Levite. The man who stops is a Samaritan, someone divided from the wounded man by inherited hostility, who nevertheless binds his wounds and pays for his care. Jesus ends by reversing the lawyer’s question. He does not define the class of people whom the lawyer must recognise as neighbours. He asks which man chose to become one.

Neither Leviticus nor the parable of the Samaritan is itself liberal democracy. That is not an objection to their place in this story; it is the point. Liberal democracy did not spring fully formed from an argument made in the eighteenth century. It inherited a moral world built across millennia⁠, and these texts stand close to its foundations. Through their long afterlives in Jewish and Christian thought, they helped form a civilisation in which the worth of a human life could come to be understood as prior to rank, tribe, nationality and power.

But universal moral worth, personal duty to the stranger and equal standing before public power are not identical claims. The ancient commandment says that the stranger is not beyond my concern; the Samaritan shows that inherited division does not release me from the obligation to become his neighbour. Liberal constitutionalism adds a distinct political demand: the stranger need not become my neighbour before the state owes her justice. Her life makes a claim upon the law before anyone knows her name.

What matters here is continuity. Neither law nor political philosophy required Jimi and García to enter the Thames. In the darkness beside London Bridge, with no bond to the woman except the fact that she was going to die, they acted upon the older recognition that her life made a claim upon their own. Whether either consciously thought of Leviticus or the Samaritan is beside the point. The moral world expressed in those texts had not survived merely as doctrine, but as a habit of perception. An inheritance is deepest not when its words are repeated, but when its meaning has become instinct. Their actions show something narrow but decisive: the liberal society they inhabited had not cut them off from an inheritance older than liberal democracy itself.

Fourteen years earlier, beneath the streets of New York, Wesley Autrey had been given much the same choice. Shortly before one in the afternoon on 2 January 2007, Autrey, a fifty-year-old construction worker and Navy veteran⁠, was waiting for a train at the 137th Street–City College station in Manhattan with his two young daughters. Nearby, twenty-year-old film student Cameron Hollopeter suffered a seizure and stumbled from the platform onto the tracks. The lights of an oncoming train were already visible. Autrey had seconds in which to act, and two daughters standing close enough to need him too. He jumped anyway. He tried repeatedly to lift Hollopeter back onto the platform⁠; when he realised there was no longer time, he pushed him into the drainage trough between the rails and lay on top of him. The train passed overhead, close enough to leave grease on Autrey’s cap. Both men survived. “I don’t feel like I did something spectacular; I just saw someone who needed help. I did what I felt was right⁠,” Autrey said afterward.

The press reached almost immediately for a name the tradition already had waiting: the “Subway Samaritan⁠.” Autrey had re-enacted the parable’s moral structure without needing to quote a word of it. Hollopeter was bound to him by neither blood nor friendship nor any prior obligation. He was simply the man lying helpless in Autrey’s path. Asked where the instinct to help had come from, Autrey gave an answer more intimate than any political theory: “My mom brought us all up like that⁠.” Here was inheritance in its most literal form—a moral understanding passed from one generation into another until, in the moment it was needed, it appeared as action. This was not merely moral capital lingering after its source had disappeared. It was an inheritance still being transmitted within a liberal society.

The country recognised it. Autrey was honoured by the city, offered gifts and scholarship money for his daughters⁠, and invited three weeks later to attend the State of the Union⁠. From the gallery, he received a standing ovation from Congress. President George W. Bush quoted Autrey’s own explanation of what the act meant: “We got guys and girls overseas dying for us to have our freedoms. We have got to show each other some love⁠.” In a single sentence, Autrey joined sacrifice, freedom and obligation to the stranger—the inheritance this essay has been trying to name. What his mother had transmitted within a family, the country now reinforced in public by holding his conduct up as exemplary.

Congress rose⁠ because Autrey had made an inherited moral premise visible. An unknown man’s life mattered; freedom carried obligations as well as rights; and an ordinary citizen could become, without office or command, the human embodiment of both. Autrey was not a hero because America applauded him. America’s applause mattered because it showed that the country could still recognise what heroism was.

Jimi, García and Autrey do not prove the merits of a civilisation. They were never being asked to. Their evidence is narrower and bears three different weights. The rescuers show that the inheritance survives in individuals. Autrey’s account of his mother shows that it can still pass from one generation to another. The petition, memorial and ovation show that it survives as a shared moral language: extraordinary men can appear under any regime, but the ordinary people around these men still knew what they had seen.

Their stories give the survival of that inheritance a human form. On the bank of the Thames in London and a subway platform in New York, separated by an ocean and fourteen years, three men encountered strangers whose lives had suddenly become dependent upon theirs, and acted before any argument was needed to tell them why. For a few terrifying seconds, an inheritance older than liberalism inhabited people living within liberal societies.

The post-liberal account sees that liberal society has weakened certain inherited bonds, but mistakes their weakening for the extinction of obligation itself. These men possessed no prior bond with the strangers they tried to save, yet none behaved as though the absence of such a bond meant the absence of duty.

The moral inheritance beneath liberal democracy has not died. Many of the people who carry it could not tell you where it came from, and few would think to describe it as a philosophical inheritance. They possess it less as doctrine than as a habit of moral perception: the stranger’s life matters; power must answer for itself; another person can never be reduced entirely to an obstacle, an instrument or a number. They enact it without ceremony, and when they encounter it in someone else, they recognise it before anyone supplies the name. The inheritance has not vanished. It has become ordinary.

Perhaps this is the point at which we can return to the three dead poets through whom this essay began. Sorley, Owen and Rosenberg did not die for a graph, and it would be dishonest to tidy their complicated reasons for fighting into a posthumous declaration of faith in liberal democracy. Rosenberg explicitly denied that patriotism had brought him into the Army: “Nothing can justify war⁠,” he wrote. “I suppose we must all fight to get the trouble over.” Sorley distrusted patriotic sentimentality and retained a deep affection for the country Britain was fighting⁠. Owen chose to return to active service in France after learning enough about the trenches to know what returning might cost him. “I shall be better able to cry my outcry⁠,” he wrote, “playing my part.” He believed that part included speaking for the men whose suffering he had made it his task to reveal. None of these reasons is simple; none permits the poet to be turned into something he was not. By the time death found them, private judgment, loyalty and obligation had become entangled beyond any possibility of separating one cleanly from another. What they shared was not a political verdict. It was the recognition that the self was not the final boundary of obligation.

That recognition is not sufficient by itself to distinguish liberal democracy. Tyrannies, too, demand that human beings sacrifice themselves, and many have taught them to disappear into a race, a class, a nation or a leader. The difference may be understood as one of direction. Authoritarian power attempts to manufacture obligation from above: it assigns the individual a place within a collective and commands the duties he owes both to it and to those around him. A post-liberal state attempting to reconstruct lost bonds by command would move in the same direction, however different its ends. When carried as a living inheritance, the older traditions beneath liberal democracy work differently. Leviticus speaks in the language of command, but its civilisational force lies in its capacity to form conscience until another person’s need is experienced not merely as an instruction to obey, but as a claim that draws us towards him. Political power can compel the outward forms of solidarity; a living moral inheritance pulls people towards one another.

The inheritance carried within liberal societies asks us to recognise obligations beyond ourselves without treating the individual as material to be consumed by the collective. The stranger matters, but so does the man who enters the water for her; the soldiers beside Owen matter, but so does Owen, whose voice no nation was entitled to erase. The rescuers and the poets did not perform equivalent acts, and they need not have understood their obligations in equivalent terms. What joins them is something deeper than doctrine: the knowledge that other lives make claims upon our own, and that a life may find part of its meaning in answering them. This knowledge is older than liberal democracy. The stories beside the Thames and beneath the streets of New York show that it remains present within liberal societies.

Some seventeen million dead. They remain as mouthless now as Sorley knew they would, and nothing written here can question them, console them or make them speak a creed they may never have held. We need not pretend that they died with the words liberal democracy upon their lips. It is enough to ask what passed through the catastrophe that killed them and remained alive on the other side. The answer is not only a set of institutions, indispensable though those institutions are. It is a moral inheritance made ordinary: the conviction that the stranger’s life matters, that power must answer for itself, that disagreement is not treason, and that no person or cause is entitled to unquestioning obedience. Those who endured before us were not another species of human being. They were frightened, divided and often no more capable than we are of naming the thing they had inherited. They discovered what it meant when history made the question unavoidable.

If liberal democracy endures, it will not be because it cannot die, or because a graph has made its survival inevitable. It will endure because enough people still recognise what they owe one another, and because, when that recognition is demanded of them, some will act upon it. To inherit is not merely to receive. It is to accept custody. The report of liberal democracy’s death remains an exaggeration; the inheritance is still here, waiting for us to recognise what we carry before history asks us to prove it. And if the words I have to save her require no explanation from you—if you felt their claim before any argument was supplied—then the inheritance is present.

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The Third Rail and the Fifth Column
by James Lindsay

During the Spanish Civil War in the late 1930s, Nationalist Generalissimo Francisco Franco advanced on Madrid with the intention of taking it with four columns of soldiers. In the midst of the advance, another Nationalist general, Emilio Mola, was asked on a radio broadcast which of the columns would succeed in taking over the city and finalizing the Nationalist coup. Mola replied that it would be the hidden “fifth column” of supporters and sympathizers within Madrid who would prove decisive by rising up and sabotaging the Republican defense from within.

Ultimately, General Mola was wrong. No “fifth column” arose from within the city, and the Republicans held Madrid. Nevertheless, the phrase immediately caught on. A fifth column to this day refers to a group of people who undermine a larger group, institution, movement, or nation from within.

The Woke Right is a Woke fifth column working internally against America, MAGA, the (American) Republican Party, and the American conservative movement, which is the last anchor tethering our country to the Constitution, common sense, and reality. Whatever might be its primary sources of intention and energy—be those foreign influence, “Deep State,” Democrat, or an organic and opportunistic paleoconservative revolt, or some combination—being a fifth column in the Woke assault against American and the West is the role it certainly plays.

The question is how it has been so successful at recruiting and gaining momentum, given that many of its views are wildly out of step with American values and the traditional perspectives of conservatives in America. Their nativism, isolationism, (genuine) racism, hostility toward Jews and Israel, racial minorities, women, sexual minorities, and legal immigrants, and undeniable antisemitism, not to mention their skepticism of free-market economies, the Constitution, religious liberty, conservatism itself, and a minimalistic state, do not reflect the values of generations of American conservatives or America overall.

Many reasons can be given for their meteoric and bewildering sudden rise. Among them, broad distrust in established institutions and favoring “trusted voices” within the movement who appear to be leading them astray is perhaps at the front. Frustration with the difficulty in pushing back against the Woke Left and its infiltration into our institutions is surely another significant component. Multiplying and tapping the alienation of our young men is definitely another. The outright force of money and the apparently sudden shift of so many voices all at once just in the last year, taking the movement by sudden surprise, must also contribute.

Both within and beyond these reasons, however there is a motivating factor that demands our attention: recruitment upon the “third rail.” The third rail, unlike the fifth column, is a metaphor. It literally refers to the electrified “third” rail subway trains use to power themselves. The idea is that if you were to fall down into the tracks, touching either of the first or second rails, where the wheels of the trains run, would result in nothing particular, but stepping on the electrified third rail would result in your electrocution and destruction.

The “third rail” metaphor therefore describes locations in political discourse that, if touched, will blow up your (professional) life. To the politically naive, these opinions appear to be benign, perhaps even statements of fact, but they work like a political tripwire, causing a huge reaction when they’re aired. A classic American example is attempting to explain the cultural significance of Confederate symbols to many (especially Southern) Americans. No matter how accurate, nuanced, or careful the speaker might be, it will likely be taken as a defense of slavery and sedition, and damage someone’s reputation or career (especially a political career).

Here’s the problem. A population can be pushed to the point where it will regard as bogus and evil the destruction an honest person can expect to receive for stepping on a third rail. For example, someone who earnestly defends the meaning he and many others hold for Confederate symbols might get blown up for “defending slavery,” even though he didn’t. If that happens enough, in unfair enough ways, for long enough, the public might revolt against the injustice of the political third rail.

That’s where we find ourselves with many issues all at once now as the lies of the extended Woke Left collapse around us, and the Woke Right fifth column is recruiting precisely by taking advantage of that situation.

There are two particular dynamics that have played a crucial role with regard to what we might call the Politics of the Third Rail that has enabled the rise of the Woke Right as a fifth column.

First, there’s the uncomfortable fact that many points that reside on the third rail are at least partially true but remain completely politically incorrect. This mismatch is a political powder keg; a bomb waiting to go off. When people aren’t allowed to say true things for undeniably political reasoning, the taboo is regarded not as politeness but censorship of potentially important or meaningful views. A reaction that embraces these views is more or less eventual in such a circumstance, and chances are, it won’t be nuanced when it arrives.

In fact, it usually will not be nuanced at all. The nuanced, careful, accurate voices will already have been shouted down, punished, or destroyed by the time the backlash arrives. The only voices left will not only be less careful by definition but will also be angry enough to assert more than the full truth of the issue. With regard to the issue of the Confederacy, they will not stop at the idea of revering a “heritage” of sovereignty and not being told what to do by a meddling federal government or outside power. They may start explaining why, in their view, slaves were better off than black freemen later, up to and including today.

Because these brash voices look brave and honest compared to the effete political correctness they’re shattering, they’re attractive. They will recruit followings. These followings will, by their intrinsic dynamics, go too far. Worse, by then, even if more reasonable voices step into the fraught space, they’ll sound timid, rather than brave, for their measured approach to the controversial issues, and they’ll fail to stem the tide as it flows toward radicalism and insanity

Second, there’s the fact that the “politically correct” Woke Left has created more, and more obviously bogus, political third rail space than any polite society ever could dream of—or that one will tolerate indefinitely. Undeniably true things like that it is perfectly acceptable to mention the completely banned “n-word” without using it—say by quoting Huckleberry Finn, or explaining the historical use of the term itself, or quoting a popular hip-hop song that says it every second line, or explaining that certain words in Mandarin and Korean sound similar but aren’t it and saying those—are rendered completely verboten, and seemingly arbitrarily. One will notice, for example, that “black people are allowed to say it,” and that many do, enthusiastically, casually, and even viciously, but that a racial double-standard has to be maintained for what appears to be “Woke” reasoning.

The result of this Wokification of discourse is that there’s an incredible and intolerable amount of patently ridiculous discursive and political “third rail” space that makes a great deal of honest discourse and real, necessary problem-solving impossible. As problems mount, the maintenance of the political third-rail space rightly begins to be identified as a big part of the festering problems, and it will be rebelled against. As this political and discursive pendulum swings back, as described above, it will not do so gently.

This isn’t a matter of mere perception, petulance, or, especially, latent bigotry, as the Woke Left and too many in polite society might assert. It is actually the case that the Woke Left has over the last two or three decades succeeded in turning an incredible number of legitimate political and cultural concerns into third-rail space that can hamper communication, prevent finding solutions to genuine problems, chill speech, and unjustly ruin lives. It is as though the Woke Left turned the first and second rails into electrified rails, preventing the train from being able to run and making its very carriages pose a real danger of electrocution.

It is both in and upon this greatly expanded third-rail space in political discourse that the fifth-column Woke Right has succeeded in doing most of its recruiting. Both in the name of and by “boldly” stepping onto the first and second rails, which are unjustifiably electrified, they have occupied both bogus and real third-rail political space and stand inside it as defiant rebels, unafraid of the shocks and calling people to join them. What it represents is freedom, fun, and liberation from an oppressive political, professional, and discursive regime that took advantage of the fundamentals of polite political taboos in order to steal and abuse power. It is therefore a successful recruiting methodology for a radical reactionary movement that rejects not only the bogus political correctness of Woke Left cultural mores but also the genuine guardrails of polite society in favor of a new form of liberation.

The fifth columnists in the Woke Right are using this dynamic to recruit and to drive wedges that undermine their political targets, particularly the United States itself and its conservative movement and institutions therein.

When we see commentators like Tucker Carlson “just asking questions,” what he is doing is stepping into third-rail space and recruiting, including many people who know better but are also now too pissed-off to care. When we see agitators like Nick Fuentes transgressively violating taboo after taboo (with what amounts to Right-wing Queer Theory), what he is doing is standing directly on the third rail and laughing as he redirects the bolts back at his enemies. When we see hordes of “Dark MAGA” influencers follow suit, they’re leading an army of mostly disaffected young men to fill the vacuum created by altogether too much third-rail space in contemporary cultural and political discourse, much—but importantly not all—of it artificial, odious, and purposefully malicious in the first place.

Thus, a fifth column that seeks to destroy America through its conservative movement has been able to recruit an angry army that has become shameless in the process of shedding false causes for shame. The are the fifth column standing on the third rail, and they threaten to undermine our shining city on the hill from within as our enemies advance upon us from without.

How can they be dealt with? One way only exists to us. We must steal their thunder (pun intended

We have to be honest. We have to occupy third-rail space ourselves with honesty, integrity, and nuance. We must be unafraid to tackle well these touchy issues that the Woke Right fifth-columners are tackling badly, and we must create a new civic norm of championing, not attacking, those who enter those spaces honestly and in good faith in order to deal earnestly with what partial—or sometimes full—truths reside there.

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Reciprocal Tolerance
by James Lindsay

In a footnote in his famous (or infamous) The Open Society and Its Enemies, Karl Popper relates a famous (and famously misunderstood) idea called the Paradox of Tolerance. It is, as it turns out, one of the most important concepts that any free society much reckon with—and solve.

Popper only devotes a single paragraph to this fundamental paradox of freedom, which can be summarized as “being tolerant of intolerance eventually results in an intolerant society, but being intolerant of intolerance is already a feature of an intolerant society.” In that paragraph, he outlines a solution, though he’s thin on the details. Here’s how he phrases it, in full:

Less well known [than other paradoxes] is the paradox of tolerance: Unlimited tolerance must lead to the disappearance of tolerance. If we extend unlimited tolerance even to those who are intolerant, if we are not prepared to defend a tolerant society against the onslaught of the intolerant, then the tolerant will be destroyed, and tolerance with them. In this formulation, I do not imply, for instance, that we should always suppress the utterance of intolerant philosophies; as long as we can counter them by rational argument and keep them in check by public opinion, suppression would certainly be most unwise. But we should claim the right to suppress them if necessary even by force; for it may easily turn out that they are not prepared to meet us on the level of rational argument, but begin by denouncing all argument; they may forbid their followers to listen to rational argument, because it is deceptive, and teach them to answer arguments by the use of their fists or pistols. We should therefore claim, in the name of tolerance, the right not to tolerate the intolerant. We should claim that any movement preaching intolerance places itself outside the law and we should consider incitement to intolerance and persecution as criminal, in the same way as we should consider incitement to murder, or to kidnapping, or to the revival of the slave trade, as criminal.

Radicals on both the Left and the Right have run with this famous paradox of free societies in various ways. For example, it is popular on the Left to present only Popper’s conclusion about claiming the right to suppress intolerance without expressing his rather strict criteria for that suppression. On the (radical) Right, on the other hand, this formulation has been criticized (e.g., by R.R. Reno in Return of the Strong Gods) as planting a dialectical seed that turns tolerance into totalitarian intolerance over time

In these analyses, the Left is dishonest, and the Right is simply wrong, as is their wont in each case. The Left desires, like their Nazi pseudo-nemesis Carl Schmitt, to have the power to declare the intolerant enemy and have him destroyed without acknowledging how seriously Popper takes the conditions of such action. The Right simply fails to recognize that the devil is in the details for working with such a situation in reality. Of course, by way of its error, the Right also desires, like their Nazi semi-hero Carl Schmitt, to have the power to declare the enemy and have him destroyed.

Though Popper doesn’t develop the idea further, and though the devil will remain in the details, he does lay out criteria by which intolerance of the intolerant might be acted on wisely, as opposed to unwisely, to borrow from his own phrasing. This is where the rubber meets the road for the Paradox of Tolerance, to quote the relevant section again

…for it may easily turn out that they are not prepared to meet us on the level of rational argument, but begin by denouncing all argument; they may forbid their followers to listen to rational argument, because it is deceptive, and teach them to answer arguments by the use of their fists or pistols.

What Popper is proposing here, though thin on the details, is a theory of tolerance in free society. He is saying we must retain the right to suppress intolerance that might answer our tolerance with a combination of irrationalism, intolerance, and violence. He clearly states we should regard such militant and subversive intolerance as a kind of incitement and refuse to protect it as free expression.

In practice, this is trickier than can be contained in a footnote. It is not sufficient to invoke legal intolerance against views that are merely irrational, anti-rational, that denounce argument, or that forbid followers from listening to rational arguments because they are allegedly deceptive. The law already has some mechanisms for dealing with intolerance that looks to answer arguments with fists and pistols, imperfect as those might be. Further, these are not the central part of the problem of overreaching tolerance.

Popper seems to miss the most essential characteristic for finding a strong solution to his paradox. This essential characteristic is located in the fact of the paradox itself: the intolerant will not reciprocate tolerance, given the opportunity. In essence, what he is looking for, but does not find, is a Golden Rule for the issue of tolerance.

We might call such a strong solution Reciprocal Tolerance. In short, Reciprocal Tolerance would be a doctrine like: we, the people of a free society, should extend tolerance only to any who, given power over us, would also extend tolerance to us in return. That is, we will treat others as we can reasonably expect they would treat us, as determined from their own words, deeds, charters, relationships, and organizational principles.

This principle of Reciprocal Tolerance is not reversible like through some postmodernist trick or psychopathic “DARVO” because it is applied from a free society. In full generality, it is that free societies are perfectly free to be intolerant of any politically intolerant political organization.

This principle is also not a principle regarding speech. People are free to say whatever intolerant, hateful, or bigoted thing they want, even in their group settings. It would apply to any political group and its members or leadership that organize a faction with the expressed intention of acquiring political power at least in part in order to revoke tolerance from others who, absent the case of such intolerance, would not revoke tolerance from them.

Free societies live or eventually die based on their solution to the Paradox of Tolerance. Tolerance cannot be unlimited or it will be exploited and taken advantage of, but it also must be broad enough to keep society free

The solution is toleration in the bounds of good-faith, Reciprocal Tolerance. We are under no obligation socially to tolerate subversives who operate in bad faith, nor are we under any obligation legally to tolerate any demand for tolerance that would not be reciprocated if the people making the demand themselves got their hands on the levers of power. While the first of these may only be a social convention unless people are illegally deceived and defrauded, the latter certainly falls within the range of legally actionable responses to intolerance we could enforce well within the boundaries of the Constitution, which we are seeking to protect and preserve.

Once either of these fouls against a free society is detected and verified, some generally acceptable and legally narrow mechanism of intolerance against them must be able to be employed. Practically speaking, at a minimum, there is no reason to extend tax-exempt status to nonprofit organizations that explicitly espouse agendas to amass power to abolish the existing tolerant political order in favor of intolerant ones that would, if successful, revoke tolerance of those who allowed their growth. Further, entities that espouse or articulate such beliefs that receive funding from foreign sources should not be tolerated.

A principle of Reciprocal Tolerance could therefore serve as a solid basis for both social norms and legal activity to better navigate the Paradox of Tolerance that lies at the heart of every society that wants to be free. Organized intolerance ought not to be tolerated for precisely the reason that it would withdraw tolerance from those it seeks to rule.

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