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Politics • Spirituality/Belief • Writing
The Theft of American Education
September 12, 2022
Guest contributors: ConceptualJames
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"Learning loss" refers to educational attainment we can expect would have happened if it weren’t for something disrupting the educational process and preventing it from occurring. These days, we most often hear about it—when we’re allowed to hear about it—in the context of the disruptions imposed upon our lives and our children in the name of the Covid-19 pandemic. Learning loss is learning that should have occurred but for failures in educational policy and practice.

Substantial and unnecessary as the pandemic response learning loss has proved, there’s a far greater learning loss occurring in America today, which has American schoolchildren achieving grade-level mastery in key subjects roughly one third of the time. This learning loss is done in the name of “equity” and “social justice,” and instead of teaching our children to be competent in mathematics, reading, writing, history, and science, it’s teaching them to view the world through the Woke Marxist lens and to be activists on behalf of its social and political agendas. Somewhat in contrast to learning loss caused by bad policy prescriptions that failed to mitigate the spread and impact of SARS-CoV-2, however, the learning loss that follows from a “critical” education into "social and emotional learning" represents nothing short of an intentional theft of education from our children and our society.

How have the radicals on the Dialectical Left—specifically, Woke Marxists—stolen education from our children? The answer is called “critical pedagogy,” which was developed on the back of the great Marxist religious revivalist Paulo Freire. Critical pedagogy uses Freire’s ideas to solve what mid-century Marxists referred to as “the problem of reproduction,” which is the idea that societies tend to reproduce themselves and especially that education can only be designed within an existing system to reproduce the system that produces it. Marxists through the second half of the twentieth century believed the problem of reproduction might prove fatal to their ambitions.

Two Marxists of the period, Paulo Freire and the Critical Theorist Herbert Marcuse, were more hopeful. In fact, they were optimistic about a utopian vision and laid out various programs through which they believed it could be achieved. They offered a partial solution to the problem of reproduction, and this in turn offered a renewal of enthusiasm for the (neo)-Marxist faith. Not only did Freire succeed in creating a utopian revival in the religion of Marxism, though, he also laid down the tools to steal education right out from under our noses. Starting in the mid 1980s, thanks to the tireless efforts of a Marxist educator named Henry Giroux, American colleges of education started taking on Freire’s methods whole-hog and developing them into the radicalizing academic failures installed throughout our schools today. Social-Emotional Learning (SEL), which steals our kids’ education in favor of “social and emotional competencies,” is the latest development in this long trend.

Freire’s toolkit for the theft of education really only contains two simple elements that, when combined, pull a two-step shuffle that robs education of its learning content and replaces it with political radicalization. A true education, you see, for Freire, is a political education, and the academic contents of education are, as he often described them, mere mediators to political knowledge. Of course, by “political knowledge,” Freire means Marxist radicalization. There’s a reason his most famous book was titled Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Its goal is to use the facts of poverty, bigotry, and exclusion to teach people to see the world from the standpoint of the oppressed, which means the way a person with a Marxist consciousness would see the injustices of the world.

The nuts and bolts of Freire’s approach to education are actually few and rather easy to understand, and, like a magic trick that’s been explained to you, once you understand the parts, you can see how the critical magicians are robbing your kids and our future society blind by stealing education and transforming it into a form of radical brainwashing.

The Pregame

Most magic tricks, con jobs, and hustles require a little bit of setting up, often in the form of getting some kind of information from the marks and making them comfortable and familiar with the person who is about to fool or rob them. While this might require preparing a gimmick or stacking a deck, it also involves some amount of connecting with the audience—or the mark. A professional magician wants you to have some rapport with him and to trust him. So do con artists and hustlers. They, especially the latter, usually need to know certain information about you that will make you easier to fool.

Paulo Freire’s approach to education is no different. In fact, it’s designed around a con that steals education, and to make that con work, there’s some connecting to do. In the case of Freire’s approach to education, he recommends a whole new approach to classroom management and educational engagement: the “democratic classroom” that operates on a “dialogical model.” This approach enables the con.

In a democratic classroom, everyone is roughly equal. Teachers and students are replaced by educators and learners who learn together. The educator becomes a facilitator and something like a friend and advisor to the students, who are called “learners.” Older peers further along the journey help facilitate younger and newer learners. Everyone, teachers and students of all levels are learning together, as equals. It sounds good. It is also ideal for engaging in dialogue rather than instruction or lectures, and dialogue between educators and learners “as equals” is considered the backbone of Freire’s dialogical approach.

Just like conversing with a con man, however, the dialogical facilitator doesn’t necessarily tell the learners that he’s actually mining them for useful information he can use to his purposes later. For Freire, the beginning of the educational encounter, done in dialogue, is meant to discover something he called “generative themes,” specifically seventeen of them. (Freire doesn’t explain why 17 generative themes are to be used except to say that they found in Brazil and Chile that it was enough of them to do the job.)

The Setup

Generative themes, to Freire, are concepts sought out by the facilitating educator that are somehow important in the learners’ lives in particular ways. Specifically, they are supposed to be indicative of the “concrete conditions” of the learners’ experiences in life, their so-called “lived experience.” Crucially, generative themes are supposed to be emotionally engaging and politically relevant. In other words, they are “themes” in the learners’ lives that are potentially radicalizing. For what it’s worth, the presence of the drag queen in “drag queen story hour” is supposed to be “generative,” in their own words. It’s supposed to provoke and generate further dialogue about “living queerly” and the conceptual solidity of topics in sex, gender, and sexuality. In general, in the contemporary lingo, we call generative themes “culturally relevant” education.

Once extracted, generative themes are to be packaged up by the educator in a way that makes them appear abstract and academic. The goal is not to trigger the students immediately but to generate further dialogue that can be used to radicalize them. Like a magician preparing a phony card in a deck that lets him do his trick, the educator is supposed to take the generative themes and portray them in some abstract form as part of their lesson planning. When done well, the students and their parents, along with honest administrators, will never be the wiser that the lesson plan was set up to do a radicalizing magic trick on the students that swaps out real learning for “political literacy.”

Paulo Freire referred to these abstract representations of the generative themes as “codifications.” That is, he was literally saying that they were the generative themes being presented to the learners in coded form so that they don’t appear to be anything but an educational program. The goal of the critical educator is to find these generative themes, package them up in “codified form,” and then to begin a “decodification” that decodes them for the students.

The sales pitch for the method is found in their saying that by engaging in the “culturally relevant” themes in the learners’ lives, they will be very engaged in the learning process. They will see the image in the codified theme and be ready to connect it to a reading, math, or history lesson that will interest them, driving them to want to learn more. They will want to decodify not only the theme in front of them but also the academic subject that allows them to learn more about it. Just like in any good magic trick, though, there is something happening that no one notices. There are two decodifications passing as one.

The Heist

The decodification process as Freire called it is where the actual heist of education happens. Finding the generative themes merely sets up the steal, and the decodification does it. In magic, this is where the tricky sleight of hand takes place that switches out the chosen card for the decoy prepared in advance, for example. The way it happens is that while Paulo Freire describes a single decodification as a unified process, there are two of them occurring at once, one academic and one political. The political decodification steals the academic one and prevents it from ever occurring. Whether the academic decodification would have worked to teach the subject or not, or if it would do so better than some other method, is irrelevant because it almost never happens!

The academic decodification is supposed to go like this. First, the codified theme is showed to the students, and they have a dialogue about it. That dialogue, by the way, is the political decodification, which we’ll bracket for now. After the students are led to understand the political content and relevance of the codified image they’re presented with, the word describing that scene is shown. Maybe it’s “gender.” Maybe it’s “racism.” Maybe it’s “poverty” or “death.” Maybe it’s “suicide.” Maybe instead, the lesson is a math lesson, and statistics about race and poverty will be calculated in a highly selective way. Maybe it’s a history lesson, or a science lesson. It doesn’t matter. The academic material is “decodified” in the first step by being connected to the codified “culturally relevant” theme.

This decodification is supposed to excite the learners because they recognize themselves and their “lived realities” in the codification. They’ll want to learn more words to better understand that situation, or deeper statistical analysis tools, or more history, or something about science. The educator as facilitator will then usher them into these deeper lessons, and since they want to learn them, education will be enhanced. Not only will it be more effective; it will also cover more ground. It will cover political topics and academic material. Nothing is done “in place of.” It’s all happening “along with.”

Here’s the thing, though. That idyllic learning situation never occurs. Take this analysis from an experiment that introduced Freirean methodology in Nigeria, published in 2007,

Stage Two: The Selection of Words from The Discovered Vocabulary

 

From the discussions of the learners, the Generative Words written by the team of facilitators were: resources, money, abundance, crude oil, stealing, pocket, begging, plenty, poverty, suffering, frustration, crying, hunger, crisis, dying, death.

 

These words were later depicted in pictorial form showing the concrete realities and situations in the lives of the people. The pictorial display provoked an emotional state of pity and anger among the discussants, some of them could not talk, while most of them were moved to tears asking the question: Why! Why! Why! Why!

 

Stage Three: The Actual Process of Literacy Training

 

After the completion of stage two, it came as a great surprise to the facilitators, that the discussants were not willing to participate in the literacy teaching/training process. They were in a state of emotional wreck. They were furious, angry, shouting and restless. They were shouting Change! Change! Change! Cursing furiously those who have, in one way or the other, contributed to the suffering of the people. The bottom-line: acquisition of basic literacy skills did not make any meaning to them and in fact was irrelevant, with some of them asking the facilitators:

 

“What have you people, who are learned, done to change the situation, rather you (have) worsened the situation when you yourself get to the position.’’

It doesn’t work. Why? Because, as you can see, the political decodification actually steals the educational opportunity from the learners by radicalizing them. Radicals aren’t interested in learning. They’re interested in taking action, being “change agents,” transforming the world, and, because misery loves company, creating more radicalized activists.

How It Works

You’re not supposed to explain a magic trick because it takes the magic out of it, but I want the Freirean theft of education demystified. It’s rather obvious how it works. Before the academic decodification of the theme, which is intentionally chosen and framed to be radicalizing, a political decodification takes place that succeeds in radicalizing. As Freire had it, the academic content became a mediator to political “knowledge,” to what he calls “conscientization,” which means having a Marxist critical consciousness. Raising that consciousness is what Freire says is the real point of a true education, not learning disconnected syllables or meaningless sentences, or, one supposes, math, science, history, or any other subject that will lead learners to become successful in the “oppressive” world Freire wants to see rejected and denounced utterly.

It’s pretty clear how political content can be used in this way, but the generative approach isn’t supposed to be too obvious. Freire says that would be propagandizing. It therefore often includes everyday concepts that are transformed into political topics through the Marxist magic trick of “critique.” As an example, in a book Freire published with the title Education for Critical Consciousness, he lists seventeen generative themes for living in a slum. Some of these terms don’t even seem obviously politically relevant, but the codification process frames them that way. Here are a few specific examples of generative themes that don’t seem political and how the “facilitators” should frame them:

RAIN (chuva)
Aspects for discussion: The influence of the environment on human life. The climatic factor in a subsistence economy. Regional climatic imbalances in Brazil.

 

PLOW (arado)
Aspects for discussion: The value of human labor. Men and techniques: the process of transforming nature. Labor and capital. Agrarian reform.

 

AFRO-BRAZILIAN DANCING (batuque)
Aspects for discussion: Popular culture. Folklore. Erudite culture. Cultural alienation.

 

WELL (poço)
Aspects for discussion: Health and endemic diseases. Sanitary education. Water supply.

 

BICYCLE (bicicleta)
Aspects for discussion: Transportation problems. Mass transportation.

In order to teach people to read the word “bicycle,” a dialogue about mass transportation as a solution to transportation problems is needed, and transport by bicycle, presumably, will be characterized as politically problematic in “structural” terms. To learn to read the word for a particular kind of dancing, a discussion about cultural alienation (and cultural appropriation) must take place. You get the idea.

So, once these themes are found and framed for political radicalization, how does the political decodification—the process of conscientization through miseducation—proceed? It goes in three stages. The codified generative theme is first read (politically), then it is problematized (in a Marxist critique), and then it is concretized, or made personal.

Politically “reading” a codified “culturally relevant” theme is learning to see it as a political circumstance. In fact, it’s learning to see it as a part of a system produced by an unjust society. It’s finding the meaning in the facts of one’s life, where “meaning” means political relevance along axes that are potentially radicalizing. For example, it’s learning to read the fact of bicycles as a feature of living in poverty and of being limited in one’s capacity to get around. It’s learning to see the “racism” hidden in the statistics or society. It’s learning to see how “gender” is “imposed” upon people by a system that “assigns” them a sex at birth and then requires them to “perform” that gender to be considered “normal.” It’s connecting with how people in those situations might feel, so it’s made emotionally relevant. It’s coming to learn that these features of life aren’t just the way it is; they’re political decisions made by people with the power to make those political decisions and force everyone else to abide by them.

“Problematizing” is a Marxist critique done on that “reading.” It is explaining that the circumstances just read aren’t just political, but they’re also harmful and unjust. They’re created and maintained as a system by the people who have the power to set the terms of society, maybe racial, maybe cultural, maybe in terms of what counts as “normal.” They’re portrayed as exclusionary, harmful, unjust, and most of all structural or systemic. They’re part of a great societal whole that is unfair to certain people. It’s not just something that happens; it’s something that is being done by people who benefit from it and thus have no interest in changing it, even if they don’t know they’re doing it. It’s an intrinsic feature of a perpetually unjust system that people are forced to live in and be oppressed by, except if they have the privilege of benefiting from it—though that also harms them by making them perpetrators and defenders of evil.

“Concretizing” is making the problematized image personal. It’s taking all those emotions, all that sense of injustice, and that indignant, self-righteous anger, and pointing it back inward. It’s telling the learners that the people in those codified images are them or those they love (or should love). Then, not just the codified theme, which was drawn from the learners in the first place, but all that Marxist interpretive baggage and emotional upset are made into the “concrete reality” of the learner. It’s like the magician did his trick and flipped over the card, but it was the wrong card. Then he tells you to open your wallet, and there’s your card—in place of all your money, which he’s stolen from you.

As demonstrated by the experiments in Nigeria, this radicalization works. It does not, however, create academic engagement. It creates political engagement. The learners truly are more engaged with the subject matter, but not academically. The learners are “emotional wrecks.” They don’t see the point in learning. They do see the need for immediate political action, though. And there are (at least) sixteen more themes to explore before the facilitator is done.

Wrapping Up

What I’ve just described is the Freirean, or critical, theft of education, and that’s exactly what it is. It is education having been stolen from students and society. What it does is makes it look like education is going to take place by a more engaging and interesting method that involves the students to a greater degree than ever. It promises to be “culturally relevant” to them, or something similar. When it then does is takes advantage of the space opened up by the need for “relevance” to find and present lessons that allow “educators” to “facilitate” political radicalization into a “structural” (Marxist) view of reality, whether the teacher realizes she’s a Marxist or not. In other words, it steals education and replaces it with programming, a kind of thought-reform that leads “learners” to see the world from a particular standpoint, which happens to be Marxist-style critical analysis.

Freirean education has no place in our schools because it is not education. It’s something else. It is conscientization posing as education, and it is able to do what it does—and what it was intended to do—because it steals education from our students and our society by reorganizing its purpose. It is, was, and always will be a con, and we’re all losers so long as it has any marks. It is our right and duty to remove it from our education system at all levels and in every form.

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What George Washington’s Death Can Teach Us About Woke
by James Lindsay

President George Washington died at his home on December 14, 1799, at the age of 67. He died, as it turns out, of a particularly bad and sudden upper respiratory infection, most likely strep throat, that the doctors of his day (the best available) did not know how to treat. (Penicillin as a treatment wasn’t discovered until 1928.)

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Now imagine for a moment that among his doctors one had a stroke of divine inspiration (or connecting the dots between other observations he had made in similar circumstances) that led him to conclude before any treatment began that, in fact, The President was suffering from a simple bacterial infection of the upper airways and trachea. Imagine further that he was able to convince his fellows of this stroke of accurate and correct insight.

Would acquiring this accurate diagnosis have cured President Washington? No, not on its own.

Would President Washington still have succumbed and died of this simple but aggressive infection? Probably, but that cannot be known.

Even if he would have still died, would that diminish the value of the accurate diagnosis? Not at all, and that’s the point.

The accurate diagnosis alone could not have saved President Washington’s life, but one thing we might guess is that understanding that his illness was caused by an invading pathogen growing in his throat that had nothing to do with “bad blood” or “evil humours,” he may well have avoided the blood-letting in his treatment, saving much of his strength for fighting the severe but routine infection.

Furthermore, the potions and concoctions he was given to gargle and drink might have been better purposed to deal with a direct infection, per long experience with animals or other people, and perhaps would have been chosen in a way that was more beneficial or benign, especially if some understanding of the role of inflammation was part of the blessed miraculous insight of our hypothesis. Maybe they would have been chosen only for his comfort and to keep his airways clearer.

It’s very unlikely that his doctors would have realized that a certain strain of mold properly prepared and administered would have surely cured him, but they might have realized their primary focus should have been on keeping him breathing as well as possible while his body fought the infection, potentially preventing many of the other, harmful things they did.

One young doctor did propose such a solution, in fact, recommending a radical new surgical technique at the time called a tracheotomy, which was not performed. Whether or not he understood the situation (likely not), he did understand that the emphasis was to keep Washington breathing until he could recover under his own power (which would have been increased had he not been drained of half his blood and given to drink various potions, some of which were surely unhealthy). Had that surgical intervention been performed cleanly and correctly, many today think, Washington likely would have survived.

In other words, a correct diagnosis might or might not have saved President Washington in that last dark month of the eighteenth century, but it would have certainly achieved at least three effects:

1) It would have ruled out dangerous false “solutions” like blood-letting and perhaps some of the concoctions he was given;

2) It would have focused energy and attention on doing more productive, even if insufficient, things than were done, which combined may actually have saved The President's life; and

3) It still would have been correct and therefore a robust foundation for pursuing and achieving real, reliable solutions to the same problem in future circumstances, independent of Washington’s fate.

That is, getting an accurate diagnosis matters even when the diagnosis itself is not sufficient to solve the problem at hand. The likelihood of finding a viable solution to a problem goes up dramatically with an accurate diagnosis, and the likelihood of avoiding bad false “solutions” in the process also goes up dramatically in this case.

Now let’s turn our attention to Woke, a societal infection if ever there was one.

Woke, which is ultimately a group-based victimhood complex channeled through social philosophy, is always an incorrect understanding of the phenomena of society. It therefore cannot lead to correct solutions, only to ridiculous things like blood-letting (criticism, in metaphor).

It does not matter if we are talking about left-wing Woke, right-wing Woke, postmodern Woke, modern Woke, or premodern Woke. Woke is a petulant misunderstanding of the circumstances, therefore it cannot provide a correct diagnosis. Therefore, again, it cannot, except by a combination of luck and failure, produce a meaningful solution.

To wit, Marx did not have good criticisms of society, capitalism, free markets, free trade, liberalism, feudalism, slavery, or anything else he criticized—as is often asserted—because all of his criticisms relied upon his own modern-era Woke theory of social alienation and conflict that is fundamentally not correct. (It is sociognostic and just as heretical as any other Gnostic heresy, as such.) The solutions he applied are wrong not merely on their own but also because his diagnostic framework is wrong.

Keeping the diagnostic framework while recommending different solutions (right-wing Woke, or Woke Right) will not fix the fundamental problem because the diagnostic framework is still wrong. Therefore, the prescribed solutions will also be wrong. Right-wing Woke, maybe like Washington’s enema, is not an answer to left-wing Woke.

Getting accurate diagnoses about bad social theory—not by using it—is not on its own a solution any more than one of President Washington’s doctors realizing he has a strep infection would have been a cure. It is, however, the foundation for finding a cure, or at least for favoring minimal and palliative care dedicated toward the right objectives (keeping him breathing and full of his own blood while his body fought the infection) rather than taking detrimental wrong turns.

Similarly, Woke theories and obsessions with power, victimhood, and group identity, but for “right-wing” causes, is an easily avoidable wrong turn that can be avoided by understanding that Woke theory and its obsession with power, victimhood, and group identity are the disease itself. Or, more deeply, that both are aspects of the same dialectic that is making our society sick.

I hope Western Civilization can survive, even if we are unaware of the cure. Like the body of President Washington in December 1799, it already has many of the resources (like the Constitution) needed to fight the Woke infection it is currently suffering from—as long as we keep it breathing and don’t unnecessarily weaken it with false “solutions” like more Woke, more criticism, more victimhood, more identity politics, and more obsession with power, even if they’re pointing in the “other” direction.

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The Woke Cult of Transgression
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Perhaps the best analyst of the cult of Maoism, from which Woke derives (including Woke Right, as we’ll see), was Robert Jay Lifton, who was in Hong Kong in the early 1950s interviewing and documenting refugees and exiles from the newly formed People's Republic of China

Lifton wrote books about this including the thorough case-study driven Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism: A Study of “Brainwashing” in China (1961). In this book, inter alia, Lifton gives a few vivid descriptions of the cult phenomenon of the “thought reform” environment in China (also translated: “ideological remolding”) that characterizes two aspects of it as what he calls a “cult of confession” and a “cult of enthusiasm

These two cult orientations may be comprehensive of the Maoist Communist milieu, but to them I would add a third, a “cult of transgression,” for modern Woke cult environments and behavior, only there in nascent form in Mao’s People's Republic, at least before the Cultural Revolution. In fact, the “cult of transgression” model is what might distinguish the Cultural Revolution environment (1966–1976) from the rest of Mao’s time in power (from 1949 forward).

The Cult of Confession Dynamic

The “cult of confession,” as Lifton has it, is a key feature of the totalizing cult because creates incredible vulnerability in each individual. The way it works is by getting people to confess to their own wrongdoing, increasingly as defined against the ideological expectations of the cult. The idea is that people would confess to their sins against the cult doctrine and each other in order to bond, avoid punishment, signal adherence and understanding of the doctrine, etc. Lifton describes the phenomenon this way

Closely related to the demand for absolute purity is an obsession with personal confession. Confession is carried beyond its ordinary religious, legal, and therapeutic expressions to the point of becoming a cult in itself. There is the demand that one confess to crimes one has not committed, to sinfulness that is artificially induced, in the name of a cure that is arbitrarily imposed. (p. 425)

Every confession has a number of psychosocial effects. First, it induces massive vulnerability in the confessor. The whole group is hearing things the confessor will be judged for, perhaps harshly. Second, it therefore opens a gate to a carrot-or-stick reaction of punishment or leniency that enables trauma bonding of the confessor to the group and its leadership cadres. Third, it provides catharsis for the confessor and even some of the people witnessing that confession, allowing them to vent the pressures of cult belonging into deeper cult commitment. Fourth, it inspires more people to confess for themselves and, in fact, competitive confession where people try to give bigger and bigger confessions as it goes from one person to the next, amplifying the all the other psychosocial effects

You can easily imagine the last of those characteristics if you’ve ever sat in a class where everyone is supposed to give some kind of introduction of themselves with an update on their emotional growth (yoga classes often do this, for example). The first few people say a little, and by the end it’s a sob-fest with long, detailed stories of high emotional content and valence and tons of flowing empathy. As Lifton explains, this is a semi-performative act of self-initiation into a totalizing cult environment,

But as totalist pressures turn confession into recurrent command performances, the element of histrionic public display takes precedence over genuine inner experience. Each man becomes concerned with the effectiveness of his personal performance, and this performance sometimes comes to serve the function of evading the very emotions and ideas about which one feels most guilty. (p. 426)

Lifton adds the following color to the situation,

The totalist confession takes on a number of special meanings. It is first a vehicle for the kind of personal purification which we have just discussed, a means of maintaining a perpetual inner emptying or psychological purge of impurity; this purging milieu enhances the totalists’ hold upon existential guilt. Second, it is an act of symbolic self-surrender, the expression of the merging of individual and environment. Third, it is a means of maintaining an ethos of total exposure—a policy of making public (or at least known to the Organization) everything possible about the life experiences, thoughts, and passions of each individual, and especially those elements which might be regarded as derogatory. (pp. 425–426)

Now imagine that but confessing evils you have committed, including against imaginary crimes. The Woke Left made strong use of this “cult of confession” dynamic. DEI meetings were, in essence, exactly this program rammed into a professional workplace setting. Accusations of mysterious “structural” racism or transphobia or whatever were leveled, and everyone has to look for ways they’ve contributed or been complicit and confess it all in front of the group (Lifton: “confess[ing] to crimes one has not committed, to sinfulness that is artificially induced, in the name of a cure that is arbitrarily imposed

There is also much confessing of “I used to be like this but then I learned how much harm it causes to people of color for white people to go hiking” or some such claim of self-improvement—or, “ideological remolding,” or, thought reform. Cult-like mantras follow: “Hiking-while-white encodes whiteness into the recreation, hiking culture, and the outdoors, which is exclusionary.” You get the idea. Lifton explains

The cult of confession can offer the individual person meaningful psychological satisfactions in the continuing opportunity for emotional catharsis and for relief of suppressed guilt feelings, especially insofar as these are associated with self-punitive tendencies to get pleasure from personal degradation. More than this, the sharing of confession enthusiasms can create an orgiastic sense of “oneness,” of the most intense intimacy with fellow confessors and of the dissolution of self into the great flow of the Movement. And there is also, at least initially, the possibility of genuine self-revelation and of self-betterment through the recognition that “the thing that has been exposed is what I am.” (p. 426)

The purpose of this ritual, Lifton tells us, is ultimately horrifying and fundamental to its nature as a totalitarian practice:

The assumption underlying total exposure (besides those which relate to the demand for purity) is the environment’s claim to total ownership of each individual self within it. Private ownership of the mind and its products—of imagination or of memory—becomes highly immoral. (p. 426)

Thus we come to understand the dynamic of a cult of confession as central to that of a totalizing cult, thus the totalitarian environment.

The Cult of Enthusiasm Dynamic

Alongside the “cult of confession” dynamic in totalitarian environments, Lifton characterizes the “cult of enthusiasm” as partially derivative to the cult of confession and partly free-standing. In short, the cult of enthusiasm refers to a strong current of enthusiasm for supporting the cult program, beliefs, and its leadership. It’s also usually highly emotional in nature and meant not to create and manipulate guilt and shame so much as to whip up frenzy, mania, and enthusiasm in the participants. As Lifton explains,

Thought reform has the opposite ethos [to traditional Chinese culture of self-restraint], a cult of enthusiasm (enthusiasm in the religious meaning of rapturous and excessive emotional experience), with a demand for total self-surrender. It is true that thought reform implies a promise of a return to restraint, and of an attainment of relaxed perfection some time in the mystical Communist future, just as Confucius claimed that these ideals had existed during an equally mystical past or “golden age”— but enthusiasm and restraint, once established, are not always so easily controlled. (p. 397)

Notice that Lifton characterizes this activity as driven by a “demand for total self-surrender.” Surrender—or submission—is a key component of the totalizing (or authoritarian) cult environment, as submission to the ideology and its perceived authorities is a key aspect of cult (and authoritarian) psychology and sociology. Lifton here, though, describes a kind of ideological innervation through this surrender of self to the cult and its ambitions.

Now, part of the ideological innervation Lifton describes here can be done directly, particularly in the People’s Republic of China context in terms of enthusiasm for the party and party leadership (esp. Mao) worship or various icons that were held up as ideal comrades. Communist doctrine tends to be held maniacally, as Lifton relates through one of his interview subjects, a Catholic priest who had been wrongly imprisoned by Mao’s thugs, exhibiting characteristic symptoms of a mind that had been broken to the point of admiring its tormenters:

The Communists have tremendous enthusiasm in their outright devotion to their doctrine. … What they believe, they do. … We are divided between doctrine and practice. … There is a discrepancy between religious life and doctrine. Therefore we are weak. … They are superior to us in carrying out their actions. … They have dialectic and a strange use of their proofs. … They have a keen instinct for finding out what each man may be doing against his own creed and his work. … I don't know where human beings can find such proofs. (p. 140)

Some of the mania of the “cult of enthusiasm” in the totalizing environment is derivative to the cult of confession, however. After confessing, there often follows an enthusiasm to “do better,” with people frantically and manically participating in the cult’s behaviors and rituals, including denunciations of class enemies or those who haven’t confessed sufficiently or at all. That is, victims become perpetrators through this transformation from one cult dynamic to another.

Psychologically, the cult of enthusiasm dynamic energizes members of the cult, helps them bond in a shared sense of activity and worldview, reinforces the cult’s beliefs, inspires loyalty and commitment, and reinforces the sense of the high social cost of dissent while also discouraging it through general social pressure and enthusiasm for the common cult direction. The highly emotionally charged atmosphere of this cult dynamic is instrumental to binding and orienting people with the cult’s doctrines

The Woke Left does this as well, as indicated by my deliberate wry usage of the phrase “do better” just above. These denunciation rituals—which relate to what Maoists called “speaking bitterness”—are obvious and, in fact, more or less characterize Woke Left behavior in most people’s minds. They also present a general enthusiasm for “liberation” and a “socially just world,” as we hear in ridiculous terms like “trans joy.” Every Pride parade was an increasingly libidinous “cult of enthusiasm” exercise, as were many of their other rallies, protests, demonstrations, and so on. (This has led me in the past to say that protest is Woke church.) They were something more too, though: deliberately transgressive, which is indicative of a Cultural Revolution program where “change agents” destroy the norms of the past for a brighter future.

The Cult of Transgression Dynamic

Lifton, writing well before the Cultural Revolution, does not focus in Thought Reform and the Psychology of Totalism upon any such “cult of transgression” dynamic, but the seeds of this particularly pernicious form of personal and societal destruction are clearly present. Of course, they must be, because they represent the same Jacobin spirit from the French Revolution that runs through all of Communism. Lifton, describing the situation of one of the captives in Mao’s People’s Republic makes this apparent:

He also developed the concept that it was necessary to degrade oneself “to convince the Communists that you are with them—and not in grace in the bourgeois world—so that the Communists would feel that you were so degraded in the bourgeois world that you could not go back.” (p. 166)

It’s difficult to read those words and not recognize the self-humiliation rituals of Woke Leftism today, especially as we might see them in Queer Activists or around “Pride” displays. The words “so degraded in the bourgeois world that you could not go back” haunt the participants in those displays perfectly. This self-degradation as a means of distinguishing oneself from the “bourgeois” (or normal, or fallen, or mundane) world is also the basis for a cult dynamic in Wokeness, though: a cult of transgression.

The purpose of Woke theory is often to transgress norms and boundaries, especially in Queer Theory, which is explicitly formulated to do this and only this. bell hooks (name intentionally not capitalized) even published a famous book called Teaching to Transgress (based on Paulo Freire’s “Marxification” of education model, as I called it, itself based on Mao’s thought-reform methods) that highlights the centrality of this behavior in a semi-formal academic way, even though, again, every Pride demonstration made it obviously clear in a more tangible and blatant way. hooks makes clear that there’s a connection between enthusiasm and transgression, as does every monstrosity performed in the name of “Pride”:

I longed passionately to teach differently from the way I had been taught since high school. The first paradigm that shaped my pedagogy was the idea that the classroom should be an exciting place, never boring. And if boredom should prevail, then pedagogical strategies were needed that would intervene, alter, even disrupt the atmosphere. Neither Freire’s work nor feminist pedagogy examined the notion of pleasure in the classroom. … Excitement in higher education was viewed as potentially disruptive of the atmosphere of seriousness assumed to be essential to the learning process. To enter classroom settings in colleges and universities with the will to share the desire to encourage excitement, was to transgress. (p. 7)

The idea of the cult of transgression is essentially the idea of teenage rebellion but turned deeply pathological. Teenagers naturally rebel against their environments, parents, norms, etc., just as a way of testing out boundaries in the effort to stake out an independent adult identity for themselves. They often do this in tightly knit social groups that develop their own slang language, set of in-group jokes, and sets of transgressions that prove their defiance, and they often play off one another to increase the transgressive capacity of their bubble until it strikes various boundaries from which it is supposed to learn important lessons about public versus private behavior, social norms and limitations, etc. That’s normal, but it can also be the basis for a cult of transgression defined by people pushing the boundaries of prevailing norms through cult doctrine and eventually socially and psychologically isolating themselves from those outside the cult

In organic situations like with teenagers, this transgressive behavior is likely mostly harmless and even in some ways edifying, but when there is a directed cult ideology in play, it can be a potent cult recruitment and commitment tool that takes the form of what we might call the “ritual of transgression

The Ritual of Transgression

The ritual of transgression is best described by saying that everyone in a group within the cult, or the cult itself, competes to transgress the expected norms of behavior and thought a little more but always in a particular direction in line with cult doctrine. You can imagine a group of young Critical Race Theorists sitting around starting with a transgressive statement like “the police are racist” (not worthy of respect) and going down a deep rabbit hole of wanting to defund police, abolish police, abolish prisons, imprison police, kill police, etc. You can also easily imagine another rabbit trail in which “police are racist” turns into discussions of why everything else is racist too, even hiking and probably the mountains people want to hike on

Radical feminist behavior over the last fifty years (thus Woke activism in many ways) can almost be defined by participation in a combination of these three cults with the tip of the spear being the cult of transgression; hence bell hooks’s book title. They did this in both theory (blaming men, patriarchy, misogyny, “rape culture,” etc., for more and more ridiculous things) and in practice (say, making themselves deliberately hateful and ugly to “reject gender norms” and “being nice” and blaming men for thinking they're ugly and hateful). They were, and are, as Lifton has it, making themselves “so degraded in the bourgeois world” that they cannot “go back.”

The Maoist cult did this too, particularly in the Cultural Revolution under the doctrine of “Smash the Four Olds,” which admittedly came long after Lifton’s research (mid-1950s) and publication of Thought Reform (1961). Young people rejected their elders (became transgressive) and went on to “smash” anything reminiscent of “old” society (today: “Boomer mentality

These actions were blatant transgressions against the existing society, by the way. Streets were renamed, temples desecrated, relics looted, smashed, and burned, and even people were killed or struggled into suicide over their adherence to “old ways of thinking” or “old habits” (today, again: “Boomer mentality

In the cult of transgression, the ritual is to transgress to the limits of tolerability with no backtracking and to do so in a social environment where everyone is going a little deeper into the ideology and doctrine of the cult. In the process, through the transgressions themselves and the cultish identification with them to which they become increasingly socially bound, the cult isolation and commitment deepens. The dynamic is partly by these transgressions becoming the bases for “in-jokes” they can’t share elsewhere because they’re too transgressive, which is also socially isolating, and partly through a shared sense of rule-breaking. The transgressors are now in it together and defined by opposing the world. As you might imagine, this slope is extremely slippery, and past a certain point, there’s almost no way back, psychologically or socially.

Ultimately, this creates massive social co-dependence on other members of the cult and a self-isolation from outsiders (who will eventually have to be driven away) who might act as moderating forces. The transgressors cannot relate well to normal society any longer while maintaining a sense of degenerate superiority over it, literally in the mold of “Left-hand” or “black” magic. They’re bound together as self-satisfied outsiders who believe they’ve transcended a false moral universe through their acts of transgression

Of course, this perverse antinomian behavior sets up exactly the kinds of guilt and shame mechanisms that drive the cult of confession dynamic forward. The false light of enthusiasm fills in the growing darkness as a psychological and social cover, and the false enlightenment of shedding morality through transgression rationalizes the participants’ fall. Coming to believe morality to be false and imposed, thus in need of transgressing in the first place is what it means to become “Woke.” The participants’ “wake up,” from their own perspectives, to a higher morality that transcends and disparages the real thing.

Woke Cult of Transgression

A peculiar feature of the cult of transgression is that it’s like a system of social valves that increasingly lock a participant into the cult ideology and its most radical views. It even defines the vanguard of the Woke cult’s detachment from reality. That is, participants cannot easily go backwards without a total break from the cult and its totalizing environment

Once a person transgresses morality and society to a certain degree and the cult accepts that level of transgression or extremism, to back off or to moderate at all is actually to violate the terms of the cult of transgression itself. At that point, the cult will turn on the participant for denying the ritual

All participants in a cult will eventually participate in the punishment of hypothetical or real moderates or eventually “traitors,” so they will each know that more than social rejection awaits them if they deviate or show any sobriety against the cult environment. Put differently, the cult of transgression dynamic is a radicalization vehicle with no safe escape hatch and that becomes harder to escape the longer one participates in it and the deeper one gets

Take, for example, a cult of transgression dynamic that calls everything racist from a Critical Race Theory perspective. Suppose someone says something isn’t racist after someone else in the cult transgresses the boundary of saying that it is. According to the rules of the cult, that poor reasonable person is now maintaining racism, so they’re a racist—so they’re a traitor; so they’re evil. Punishment will ensue

Not only can we easily imagine dozens of examples of this pattern of behavior on the Woke Left from recent memory and experience, we can also credit it with the whole of the “transgender” phenomenon. Radical feminists wanted to say “gender is a social construct,” so they had sacrificed access to a place of epistemic authority necessary to stop a movement claiming “sex is a social construct”—or any of its derivatives, like that men who claim to be women belong in women’s sports punching them in the face and breaking their skulls (which is a huge transgression, when you think of it that way). They just got called “TERFs” and expelled from the vanguard of their own movement while the transgressive cult marched on without them

The Woke Right’s Cult Dynamics

Now, of course, Woke Right circles exhibit all three of these cult dynamics too, most notably the cults of enthusiasm and transgression. In fact, those largely define “Woke Right” in a functional sense

The Woke Right is wild-eyed (enthusiastic) with the idea of “winning” instead of “always losing because of ‘muh principles.’” Principles are therefore expendable against the cult of enthusiasm dynamic of “winning,” and the values and norms upon which those principles are based will have to be transgressed as a matter of creating permission structures to pursue more unprincipled “winning.” As a result, nearly everything they do (under the misapplied brand name of being “based”) is transgressive of the norms of both Woke and through illegitimate conflation polite and normal liberal society. (Yes, this makes Woke Right a “queering” movement in many ways, just like the Woke Left

The word the Woke Right misuses internally for its cult of transgression is “based,” which has nothing to do with being based in reality or principle. For them, being “based” does not mean to be unafraid to state uncomfortable truths against social pressure while maintaining your values; it means saying edgy things you’re not supposed to say in polite society or under Woke hegemony. That is, it means being transgressive, or, in the Woke Left parlance for the exact same thing, being “queer,” but in a “trad” way. Their primary cult of confession dynamic is in confessing to having not been based enough to transgress earlier or further than they did in the past.

Woke Right social dynamics tend to involve competitively saying or expressing more “based” (that is, Woke or queer-trad) things, whether that be racist, sexist, anti-gay, Jew-hating or blaming, patriarchal, chauvinistic for their own groups, or extreme (anti-Constitutional) MAGA policy positions or reactions to politics relevant to MAGA policy goals. To go backwards against these transgressive cult-social values is to be labeled and treated as “controlled opposition,” “cucked,” “neocon,” “warmonger,” and a long litany of other names, or simply and in Red-Guard fashion “Boomer minded.” Such is verboten in the Woke Right cult

In the Woke literature, the principle of the cult of transgression is ultimately characterized most blatantly by Herbert Marcuse in “Repressive Tolerance” (1965), where he calls the principle “liberating tolerance.” He defines it thusly,

Liberating tolerance, then, would mean intolerance against movements from the Right and toleration of movements from the Left. As to the scope of this tolerance and intolerance: … it would extend to the stage of action as well as of discussion and propaganda, of deed as well as of word.

Another way to term liberating tolerance would be “No Enemies to the Left (NETTL).” The parallel concept in the Maoist cult would be “No Enemies of Mao Zedong Thought,” and in the Woke Right cult would be “No Enemies to the Right (NETTR),” which is explicitly and strongly argued for and held to in the Woke Right cult and its various cults of transgression and enthusiasm. These forces are all the same and serve only the function of deepening radicalization, commitment, and cult communal self-isolation

This cultish program on the Woke Right is underwritten by the logic of what is called the “friend-enemy distinction” in politics. Where Karl Marx divided the people into “oppressor and oppressed,” Mao Zedong separated the population into “the people” and “the enemies of the people,” and Herbert Marcuse broke the population into “the Left” and “the Right,” the Nazi philosopher Carl Schmitt described politics as the dynamic between “friends” and “enemies” who are pitted in an existential battle over the direction of society. It doesn’t really matter which formulation we use, however; the effect is the same: destructive cult-like tribal politics based on mutual enmity that becomes increasingly totalitarian and self-justifying in the name of the conflict that is explained to be defining of a given sociopolitical moment.

Lifton gave us the tools to understand these dynamics, however, as they are the dynamics of totalism—a cult environment. The cult dynamics of confession, enthusiasm, and transgression are defining of a psychological and social environment. They are also indicative of being “Woke” in the sense of having “woke up” to a pervasive “false morality” in society that must be transcended with themselves as the intrepid vanguard movement away from the old (repressive) and into the new (liberated).

None of these “Woke” cult dynamics is healthy for their participants or for the society plagued by them. All should be understood for what they are: dark, destructive cult dynamics indicative of the totalitarian condition, thus the enemies of peace, freedom, and civilization. Thus we can understand Woke across its many manifestations through history and today—and reject it for the sickness that it is.

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Catharsis or Civilization: A Statement from Our Founder on the Life of Charlie Kirk
by James Lindsay

I've been trying to share a particular message for a couple of years now, and I can never quite find the words. I doubt I will tonight, but I have to try again because I watched my great friend get murdered over it today.

We have a choice: catharsis or civilization.

There's no other choice for us. We can have a civilization, where people are civilized enough to live, work, and trade with one another in a productive way, a safe way, a trustworthy enough way, or we can abandon it for the pursuit of letting the negative emotions of the past years, decade, or decades consume us.

There's no other choice.

If we choose catharsis, we let our emotions, our Pathos, get the better of us. We turn to our anger and look to give it more justifications. We turn to our frustration and seek an orgiastic release through whatever deeds vents it. We turn to our oppression, our rage, our despair, our fear, and we let it flow through us until the Pathos pours out and covers the land in what will eventually be fire and blood.

Catharsis is tempting, and stepping into it will be libidinous, orgiastic, elevating, and divine, until we realize that it's the feast of demons upon everything we could have built and everything we could have passed on to our children and our posterity.

Civilization is harder. It's bitter, in fact, in comparison to catharsis. It means swallowing hard and taking all those negative emotions and sublimating them into something productive, something that builds rather than makes us feel better. Civilization feels like injustice, in fact, even though it is the only basis for justice outside of Heaven and Hell, if they exist.

If we choose civilization, we're allowed to be mad, but we must temper our anger into right action that builds something to leave a better world, which will dissolve it, of course. We're also allowed to be frustrated, but we must sublimate our frustration into the dedicated search for real and lasting solutions to our problems in a civilization worth living in and passing to our children. We are not allowed to despair, though, and we cannot persist in fear. We must have faith that swallowing and metabolizing all of our negativity to turn it into a flourishing society is possible and worth it, and faith will drive out fear and is the mortal enemy of despair.

Civilization is not available on the wide path. It is the narrow path, at least so far as worldly life goes. Veer too far to one side or the other, or even for too long a moment forget your purpose or principles, and you lose the path, lose civilization, and lose everything worth having.

Without civilization, though, we will find ourselves in a terror beyond our comprehension. Maybe it will be like the philosopher Thomas Hobbes described it in the wake of the terrible English Civil War, when civilization was nearly thrown aside. Violent, solitary or tribal, nasty, brutish, short, a wicked and selfish war of all against all. It looks like the favelas of Brazil.

Maybe we'll end up conquered, fighting among ourselves while our enemies feast on our folly. Maybe we'll end up holding it together, for a little while anyway, under a tyrant who can, for a time, make it all stop and demand order. Maybe we all just end up learning Mandarin and get along mastering the ins and outs of social credit existence.

Civilization is worth fighting for, and catharsis is the kind of momentary pleasure followed by pain that every virtue stands in opposition to. In a civilization we, and each of our children after us, can live as individuals, free to pursue our dreams in sufficient safety and opportunity to generate abundance. Catharsis will be a groupish disaster with all the allure and hangover of a drunken mosh pit.

Again, I'm not expressing myself the way I see this issue in my mind. It's such an important message that I just can't get right, no matter how I try.

What I will say is that, for any differences in the particulars my great friend Charlie Kirk and I have had, Charlie Kirk stood for, lived for, and acted to his dying breath for civilization. He was far too temperate and wise, even at 31, for catharsis.

How can I be sure?

Under strange circumstances once, I found myself out on a skiing boat on a lake with Charlie Kirk. Music was playing, we were having a good time enjoying the morning. Charlie, with his standard grin, bare chest in the sun, laughed a little and explained himself, "I had fun once, guys, and I hated it."

Then he made our host change the music from something fun and hip to... classical. And we ran up and down the lake alongside all the other party boats listening to Bach, Vivaldi, and Stravinsky, not having fun even once and loving it. Charlie Kirk lived for civilization, and nothing remotely like catharsis would have been near his mind, heart, or soul, even in its darkest, most frustrated moments.

Charlie wanted to win, but he wanted to win so that we can move away from evil and move away from cathartic, orgiastic destruction and toward civilizational order, where his family and children could grow up as strong, proud Americans.

More than that, Charlie lived for Jesus, the Logos, as He is named in John 1. He knew the difference between the Logos and the Pathos, human though he was. He understood civilization is built on the rock of Logos, and that it can never be built on the churning sands of Pathos.

That's how I know that Charlie understood the choice I still cannot articulate. We have two options, and only two. They are catharsis and civilization. Charlie Kirk lived that we would have civilization.

May Charlie Kirk not have died such that we spiral into catharsis and evil.

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